11 resultados para Revolutionary dictatorship

em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)


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Since the emergence of the first demands for actions that were intended to give greater attention to culture in Brazil, came the first discussions which concerned the way the Brazilian government could have a positive influence in encouraging the culture, as is its interaction with the actors interested and involved with the cause. During the military dictatorship, there were programs which relied on the direct participation of the State to ensure that right, from the viewpoint of its support and implementation of public resources in developing the "cultural product" to be brought to society in its various forms of expression - all this, funded by the government. It is an example of "EMBRAFILMES" and "Projeto Seis e Meia", continued until the present day in some regions of the country, though maintained by entities not directly connected with the administration or the government. However, it was from the period of democratization and the end of the dictatorship that the Brazilian government began to look at the different culture, under its guarantee to the society. Came the first incentive laws, led by "Lei Sarney" Nº 7.505/86, which was culture as a segment which could receive foreign assistance in order to assist the government in fulfilling its public duty. After Collor era and the end of the embargo through the encouragement of culture incentive laws, consolidated the incentive model proposed in advance of Culture "Lei Sarney" and the federal laws, state and local regimentares as close to this action. This applies to the Rouanet Law (Lei Rouanet), Câmara Cascudo Law (Lei Câmara Cascudo) and Djalma Maranhão Cultural Incentive Law (Lei de Incentivo à Cultura Djalma Maranhão), existing in Natal and Rio Grande do Norte. Since then, business entities could help groups and cultural organizations to keep their work from the political sponsorship under control and regiment through the Brazilian state in the form of their Cultural Incentive Law. This framework has contributed to the strengthening of NGOs and with the consolidation of these institutions as the linchpin of Republican guaranteeing the right to access to culture, but corporate social responsibility was the one who took off in the segment treated here, through the actions of Responsibility Cultural enterprises arising from the Cultural Organizations. Therefore, in the face of this discourse, this study ascertains the process of encouraging the Culture in Rio Grande do Norte from the Deviant Case Analysis at the Casa da Ribeira, the main Cultural Organization that operates, focused action in Natal in order to assess the relationships established between the same entity and the institutions which are entitled to maintain the process of encouraging treated in this study - Enterprise, from the viewpoint of corporate sponsorship and Cultural Responsibility and State in the form of the Laws Incentive Funds and Public Culture Incentive

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In the mid-1980s, the magazine Projeto published the Actual Brazilian Architecture catalogue presenting texts by Hugo Segawa and Ruth Verde Zein with a corpus of works and engaged architects of the 1960s and 1970s. To comprehend the Brazilian architectural production post-1964, in those years of the 1980s, became a significant mission to reactivate the Brazilian architectural debate weakened by the military dictatorship. In his doctoral thesis Spadoni (2003) deals with the different ways which characterizes the Brazilian architectural production of the 1970s. Marked by inventiveness, this production was in tune with the modern thinking and in the transition period between the 1970s and the 1980s it synchronized with the international debate about post-modern architecture. Considering Spadoni s doctoral thesis, this work deals with the modern experience observed in the one-family-houses built in the seventies in João Pessoa. Some modern experiences were not clear outside, to observe it, it was necessary to search for the type of experience into the spatial disposition and of the know-how constructive, because into the appearance some houses not make explicit the use of the modern language. Other observed experiences allude to the repertoire of the Brazilian period in the years 1940s-1960s, to the experience of the modern architecture in São Paulo of the 1960s, to the experiences in which the climate of the Northeastern region strongly influenced the architectural conception. We can also find in a reduced number of houses a particular experience: it refers to experiences that expose the constructive doing, which leave the material apparent and apply to the residential type the experience of the industrial pre-fabricated buildings

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This work aims to analyze the interpretations about Evo Morales' government in Bolivia. For such, it proposes a theoretical reclaim of Marxism in Latin America, as well as of Bolivian political history since the 1952 Revolution, going through the crisis in Pacted Democracy intensified in the five-year conjuncture of struggles started in 2000 up to the election and reelection of Morales. It departs from an empirical prior conjecture taken from a qualitative analysis and a broad literature review to analyze the different interpretations of the Bolivian political process from Marxist theoretical matrices. After this historical recovery and this reading of contemporary Bolivia, it concludes with a consideration about the formation of a possible new block of power in the country, with the retaking of nationalism and Indianism as revolutionary reasons

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This research work worries in building the history of the natalense priest Miguel Joaquim of Almeida Castro, Miguelinho, I don't just eat one of the heroes and martyrs of the Revolution From Pernambuco of 1817, as bill the traditional history, but also the educated man, the intellectual and the admired teacher. The studied period understands the beginning of the century XIX, when priest Miguelinho comes back to Brazil, coming of Portugal, to assume teacher's occupation in the Seminar of Olinda, and it ends in the year of 1817, marked by the Revolution From Pernambuco, one of the most important movements in the fight for the liberation of Brazil of the Portuguese domain. Miguelinho, one of the leaders of the Revolution, that also reached the provinces of Paraíba and of Rio Grande do Norte, it was executed by the real troops. Like this, he tries to understand the Priest's conflicting relationship, while representative clergyman, of a Church that almost obtained a religious monopoly, and your ideals per centuries more gone back to a social and economical order of Illumines, that even certain point condemned the attitude of the own Church. The objective, then, is to understand through the path of priest's Miguelinho life, not only the intellectual, the teacher and the revolutionary, but the representation of your political and pedagogic-educational ideas in a die historical moment and the creation of the republican myth, looking for the plurality of an universe that seeks, per times, to flee of our theoretical context

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This program resumes the history of the political-pedagogic actions on the Serviço de Assistência Rural SAR, of Natal archdiocese, and analyses the contributions of this actions on the process of rural workers organization in the social movements on the countryside. The educative actions of the RAS are happening in a permanent tension between the pedagogic project of a church in change and, a pedagogy of the groups, communities and social movements, that is centered in the cultural action, in the culture lived from its condition of citizens. This research reveals that this entity fulfilled a strategic attribution for the Natal s church on the formation of the community leaderships, at a first moment and leaderships for social movements. Before the military dictatorship, the work methodology of this entity had as priority, begin from the reality leaved by the rural workers in the expectation that these became to qualify themselves for a more citizen participation in the call development. During the military regime, the entity goes measuring theirs activities in the new context, until the moment that redefines the work line. Goes then defining regions and thematic of operation supporting the fights for land, salary campaigns, women agricultural workers organizations. The pedagogy of work has as one of its supporters the Paulo Freire s pedagogy, privileging the dialog as a source of production of knowledge from the reality leaved in a permanent transformation. The actions of this entity, with the groups and social movements, produces the necessary knowledge for the organization of the rural workers while individual and social subjects of a changing world. The process of action-reflection of the activities intended, by a creative form, a permanent production of strategies of fight of the workers. Research ever, not to make accommodate itself to the new knowledge acquired in the action-reflection it is part of the pedagogical idea of this Institution. One searched in this process of formation of the man and the woman to question the reality, to create actionreflection-action spaces on the fights for a possible transition of an ingenuous conscience for a critical conscience, in view of the transformation of the structures that oppresses them

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This research analyses the silencehood use by the A República journal (Natal/RN), today not being distributed, during the Second World War. Its objective is to unveil the production condition of the news texts, and it was observed that the use of silencehood as a speech strategy with its implications that falls upon the way of behaving and thinking of the society, all that time, influencing the reader in the construction of his image of the reality. During the coverage of the conflict by the local journal it was possible to also observe different speech marks that represented the change in attitude of the Brazilian Government, responsible for the control of what was spread as news. The country lived the dictatorship of the New State and as the war went on the government changed its speech, according to political, social and economical interest s thoughts being played, silencing themes in the name of the national security. We admit as research material journalistic texts that refer to the main facts that occurred during the six years of the world conflict and that is why we used as theoric-metodological support the Speech Analysis

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This text aims to study the literary representation of homoaffectivity in short stories of Caio Fernando Abreu in the context of brazilian redemocratization, specifically in the narratives published between 1982 and 1988. To understand the relation between literature and historical context in the tales, we betake, principally, to a notion of Literature and Society, as proposed for Antonio Candido. Relating the narratives of Caio Fernando Abreu with the military dictatorship and the redemocratization processes, as well as a generational project named contraculture, we aim to verify as the search for affection for men that desire others men may be conditioned for specific socio-hystorical conditions, understanding the literary work as a privileged field of representation and comprehension of reality

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The literary critic Terry Eagleton obtained notoriety in academic circles when he was recognized intellectually for his bestselling book Literary Theory: An Introduction. In this book, the English author boldly proposes the end of literature and literary criticism. However, Eagleton proposed years before, in his book Criticism and Ideology (1976), a scientific system of analysis of literary texts, which seemed less radical, both in theory and in method, than in his later theoretical proposal. Based on this, the objective of this dissertation is to present the English literary critic´s initial method, explaining the reasons that led him to abandon his initial project - of develop a method of analysis of the literary text on a Marxist scientific perspective - and to propose, in the following years, in his most famous book and others, a revolutionary vision that would go beyond textual analysis and make literary texts have a practical intervention in society. Finally, we explain what would be his idea of revolutionary criticism

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Subjective and socially constructed instance, the memory is not a natural phenomenon, but an area of contention between various social organizations for control and legitimation of a past. With the development of writing and the advent of new technical devices, it creates new ways to store and transport information. The memory is no longer restricted to the limits of the here and now of the subject and undergoes transformations. In this scenario, the media start to play an important role in publicizing and construction of embodiments of memory. This study aims to analyze the conformation of the memory of political groups during the process of receiving audiovisual fiction. For this purpose, a corpus of four chapters of the soap opera Love and Revolution was used as a cognitive device for remembering. The television series, broadcast by SBT between April 2011 and January 2012, went back to the beginning and development of the military dictatorship in Brazil, in the cities of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo. Three militants of various affiliations Communists who acted against the regime in Rio Grande do Norte and neighboring states, were participants in this study. Using the method of oral history, the research was divided into two stages: in-depth interviews, which dealt with the history of life of employees with the militancy in the Communist parties and other social movements, and the assistance of a drive dramatic soap opera Love and Revolution. Comparing these two phases of the study, we analyze the flow of mediations that crossed memories of militancy and media framework; shifts the narrative of remembrance during reception, and the opposition between memory and represented the experiences of the receivers

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This paper analyzes the political participation of Social Workers at the Social Service Regional Council Region 14th. The theoretical and methodological framework of this investigation has as its perspective the totality of social life and its determining relations within the object of study. To the production, analysis and collecting of data it was used a qualitative approach considering a bibliographical and documental research as well as a series of twelve interviews with 2005-2008 and 2008-2011 managing counselors of CRESS/RN. It was also used the data obtained from other special interviews held with the social workers in the period between 2007 and 2008. The results of this study allow and affirm the political dimension of Caseworkers and the CRESS/RN as a space of political activity with opportunities for effective and collective elaboration of strategies in order to reach the fulfillment of the ethical and professional policy of the Social Work. From a historical viewpoint, the beginning of this process is marked by the struggle for democracy, the end of military dictatorship, the establishment of the State of Human Rights. The Democratization of the so called Federal Council of Social Workers and its Regional Councils of Social Workers, CFAS / CRAS, respectively, area a result of the participation of the category in an effort to fight for democratization in Brazil. The objective of this research, so, is to understand which the socio-historical determinants are, that focus objectively and subjectively in the demobilization of social workers in CRESS Region 14th - in the contemporary and historical context. Among the results obtained we identified the ignorance of some professional workers and also of some advisors, regarding the existence and the role of the Council, as well as the commercialization of Education that compromises the quality of the professional training in its theoretical and methodological, ethical and political dimensions. According to our understanding, this shows a the presence of a non-critical professional profile based on a false reality, on the precariousness of employment contracts which undermine the political organization and submit the worker to various social exploring mechanisms such as double shift and ultimately the fragility of the management of the Regional Council -, as a consequence of the offensive capitalist system that ideologically invests to stop the political organization founded in a critical and democratic perspective. The low participation of some advisors and, in general, the category in CRESS / RN, despite its objective conditions, is a reality and it is presented to us as a challenge to future managements and policy consolidation to society. Inasmuch as the category intends to guarantee the high quality of its social workers, the demands of future counselors, their skills and abilities in dealing with regulatory issues, administrative policies that pervade the everyday life of CRESS / RN are necessary

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The dissertation analyzes how the syndical practice of the workers rural Brazilians works your aspects of mobilization and claim in front of the execution of attendance services and providences, instituted in the marks of the military dictatorship, in the decade of 1970. We try to apprehend how these services have been interfering in the development of base works. Considering base works, as an enduring political formation of the rural workers, formation of new syndical leaderships and an effect participation of the workers in the political spaces. We trace the path of the rural workers' organization, starting from the previous period to the military stroke of 1964, while protagonists inserted in the national political conjuncture, organizing fight fronts and conquering rights. The research reveals that the rural workers' syndical movement, when it develops the activities coming from Funrural, established in 1971, they confront a dilemma that go through the political nature of your practice, which such activities can reduce the syndical rural workers, to a antity of assistance, and so interfere in the accomplishment of base works with the rural working class. The rural workers' syndical movement, inserted in the several conjunctures, since of your emersion in ante-64, when they have passed by growth and retrocession, they built along this period a structure to the national level, which makes possible the recognition of the rural workers' organization, as a class, and human being politicians of your own structure. It is in this context that the syndical practice is analyzed, emphasizing your limits and your possibilities while policy strenght nationally constituted