Organizações comunitárias e movimentos sociais : conflitos e tensões nos espaços de participação do município de Natal

This study reflects on the conflicts that exist between the different forms of participation and the political representation manifested by community organizations and social movements in the city of Natal/RN. The objective is to better understand the process of political participation of the popular classes and how the different actors have represented collective demands in the struggle for rights. To this end, we mapped the organizations, social movements and participation spaces, through a type of participant research, in which we had the opportunity to experience and study different forms of collective action and events instigated by the community organizations and the Movement for the Struggle in the Neighborhoods, Villages and Slums (Movimento de Luta nos Bairros, Vilas e Favelas) MLB. From the theoretical contributions of authors such as Maria da Glória Gohn, Marco Aurélio Nogueira, Virginia Fontes, Vera da Silva Telles, Roberto Da Matta and Carlos Montaño, as well as the empirical data collected, the study revealed that on representing their segments and occupying different spaces of participation, some actors have formed partnerships with the State, putting collective demands on a second plane. Contrarily, other actors have articulated their struggle around collective demands and manifested through direct action, mobilizing and asserting themselves in defense of a project for society

Caminho possível para o desenvolvimento do RN: a utopia do Polo Gás Sal

La présente étude sur la modernisation économique qui s est opérée dans le Rio Grande do Norte, constitue un débat concernant les tentatives de faire aboutir un projet de développement industriel fondé sur l exploitation des matières premières locales telles que le sel, le calcaire, les eaux mères et le pétrole, entre les années 70 et 90 du XXe siècle. Elle cherche à montrer, à partir de l observation de l action planifiée de l État national et régional, soutenu par le capital international et par les groupes économiques et politiques locaux, comment on a tenté d implanter, dans des conjonctures économiques distinctes, une industrie d intrants de base moyennant la création de deux pôles de développement : le Pólo Químico Industrial (1974) et le Pólo Gás Sal (1996). Elle est centrée sur l analyse des actions orientées vers la concrétisation de ces pôles, et prendra pour objet les politiques de développement émanant de l État national, en particulier celles qui relevaient du II PND et qui visaient, au cours des années 70, à l implantation d une industrie décentralisée dans la région Nordeste ; les règles fixées par le Plano Nacional de Desestatizações, destinées à promouvoir les privatisations des entreprises publiques brésiliennes, lesquelles ont rendu possible la vente d Alcanorte au groupe industriel commandé par Fragoso Pires, et les politiques définies par l État national et régional, rassemblées sous le titre de « guerre fiscale » afin d attirer des capitaux internationaux susceptibles de rendre viable le Pólo Gás Sal. Il y est démontré que l État a coordonné un ensemble d actions dans les domaines de l infrastructure et des exonérations fiscales et financières, dans le but d accélérer la transition d une économie primaire et exportatrice vers une économie moderne, industrialisée. Et que le concours simultané de forces économiques et sociales particulièrement expressives le capital national et international, les élites locales n a pas suffi pour promouvoir la modernisation industrielle escomptée des secteurs chimique et pétrochimique. Parmi les différentes raisons qui ont contribué à un tel échec, on peut mentionner : l absence d une accumulation interne préalable de capital ; la dépendance de l économie locale par rapport à la technologie et au capital des groupes économiques internationaux ; l inconsistance des stratégies de développement relevant de la politique qui caractérisait la « guerre fiscale », et la fragilité de la représentation politique locale

Maracatus Solar e Reis de Paus: tradição e modernidade no carnaval de rua em Fortaleza

This is an ethnographic and comparative study of the Maracatus Solar (2006) and Reis de Paus (1960), whose aim was to verify what is ancient and traditional in the new maracatu practiced by the guild Solar and conversely, what is new or modern in the old maracatu ritualized by guild Reis de Paus. It is worth noting that through this case study it is also intended to ethnographically observe and better understand the processes of ruptures and continuities between modernization and tradition, and the relationship between the global and the local. The communication system, the dancing, the music, the costumes and the loas (letters) were analyzed using the technique of participant observation as well as secondary materials such as newspapers, blogs and magazines. The interviews were open, non-directive, but recorded to facilitate understanding the speech of revelers. The research has shown that all the symbolic elements of aesthetic expression of the maracatu are permeated by clashes of historical contexts and of political representation, which, in another instance, also enunciates a fight of micro-community resistance regarding the renewal process and the social development that plague modern megalopolis. It is In this interim, between modernity and tradition that today it can be spoken about the existence of hybrid identity in the maracatu regarding a context mediated by the overall above mentioned values and customs specific of the new generations. However, one can not deny that the forms of negotiations with modernity also require the establishment of a link with the specific singularity of a popular culture that is not excluded, but also should not get invaded by the idea of authenticity. Therefore, performing this study was above all an opportunity to understand also the community life in the city outskirts, understanding society, culture and everyday social relations maintained between humans that produce and make it all happen. The Solar and Reis de Paus do not join in opposition between themselves nor by their similarity. What is most striking among them is the renewal of a tradition that reinvents itself in the form of popular representation across the street parade

O processo de elaboração do plano de preservação do conjunto urbanístico de Brasília: uma representação conceitual da política de preservação urbana no DF

This research aims to provide a reflection on the preservation practices of Brasilia as Cultural Heritage in four analytical/political dimensions: conceptual, urban, political-institutional and legal. In order to do that, the preparation process for the Plan for the Preservation of Brasilia Urban Set (PPCUB) was taken as research object. This preservation plan is representative of the context which determines the relation between goals and preservation practices in the social production process of urban space. Designed by Lucio Costa in 1957, Brasilia received the Cultural Heritage title 27 years later, in 1987. It was recognized a World Heritage Site by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural (UNESCO) in the same year as it "represents a unique artistic piece of work, a masterpiece of creative genius"; and "an outstanding example of a type of construction or architectural compound that illustrates a significant stage in history" (SILVA, 2003). Brasilia’s urban conception, also recognised in the district and federal levels, gives prominence to the 'urban scales' – monumental, residential, gregarious and bucolic – as the main aspects to be preserved. Despite being an undoubted representative, Brasilia seemingly displays a contradiction. On the one hand, the essential value of the city’s urban design is acknowledged as cultural heritage at international, national and district levels. On the other hand, numerous ways of urban interventions disregard the principles of that conception. In 2012, the international Monitoring Report raised some issues which highlight the following main needs: primary need for clear definition of the urban scales’ characteristics and boundaries; definition of a legal framework that conciliates national and district laws of occupation and use of land; creation of inter-sectors executive authority with both decision-making and financial autonomy; and promotion of heritage educational programs. This report also proposes "to cancel the current process of approval conducted by PPCUB and establish a formal consultation process through a committee made up by GDF and IPHAN, which will enable the active participation of University of Brasilia, the Architects Association, ICOMOS and local organizations" (SEDHAB, 2010). Already in its drafting process, the international recommendations evidence that preserving Brasilia’s urban design conception is not among the goals to be achieved. Thus, this research highlights that the intentional nature of PPCUB’s plans does little towards realizing the current proposals.

A dimensão simbólica e midiática da política e a história da dona de casa que virou guerreira : a construção da imagem pública de Wilma de Faria em 2002 e 2006

This paper examines two aspects. First, the symbolic dimension of politics and some of the elements that make up this universe, as the scenario, the representation, the myth, the spectacle, the media and the political and electoral marketing. We assume that the policy brings together a set of traits related to both reason and the human subjectivity, and can not be summed up in just a few calculations based on rationality. In the case of elections, in a process (ritual, according Irlys Barrier) of choice, there is a meeting of two systems of representations: to that transmitted by a political actor, in a scene from a particular context, based on a life trajectory unique, and the other from the public, crossed by social relations, situations own wishes, desires, expectations and unique perspectives. Between them there are the means of mass media (especially television), and with them the advent of language media and advertising applied to politics, changing the layout of public visibility and inaugurating what Rejane Accioly Carvalho will call the "aesthetics of mostrabilidade". This does not necessarily mean a preponderance of media on politics as a whole but only its adaptation to that with regard to contact with the public, the ad extra portion of the policy, according to Wilson Gomes. In a second aspect, try to apply these elements to a specific study to verify them in building an effective public image, in this case, the current governor of Rio Grande do Norte, Wilma de Faria. The concept of public image is from the book of Wilson Gomes The transformation was visible in the mass media, and relates to a conceptual image to fix "personality traits" through political history, personal conduct, action of image makers and the public reception. For this we will review some videos aired on Free Time for political propaganda in the years 2002 and 2006.

Relações internacionais: o comércio exterior do Brasil e Rio Grande do Norte no período de 1999 a 2008

The period post-war promoted several changes in relations economic, political and social world. Since then, a new division international of labor has delineated, with the great growth of Asian countries. In the field of international relations, the world still appears to transition is not completed because the old institutions were not replaced by new ones and the power of the United States as a major capitalist country remains unshaken, even with the emergence and strengthening of new economic global blocs. With globalization, Brazil emerges with more intensity in the face of new issues global, although its share in transactions trade global hasn‟t changed accordingly. In this sense, the objective of this dissertation is to examine, in a descriptive and critical the development of international relations and trade of Brazil and Rio Grande do Norte with the main blocs in the world from 1999 to 2008. As a secondary objective: to identify the assumptions theoretical that underpinned the decisions governments of the FHC and Lula, in particular, the interference of these terms in international relations and foreign trade. Adopted as the procedure methodological the literature review of the subject, as well as collection and processing of the data of foreign trade. During the Cardoso government has undergone the substantial growth in imports, as part of the economic policy of anti-inflationary, generating large deficits trade. From the first to the second term, with the inflection of exchange rate policy the country has resumed surpluses trade. The choice of government of the autonomy participation increased the relative share of the traditional blocks in total foreign trade and reduced the share of MERCOSUL. In the Lula government, there is the maintenance of some elements of the economic policy of the previous government and the partial shift in the conduct of foreign policy, with the option of autonomy through diversification, raising its stake on the blocks and other emerging countries in total foreign trade Brazilian and reducing the contribution of the traditional blocks such as NAFTA and the European Union. A trend observed in the previous government and deepened in the Lula government was the growth in commodity exports and the decline of manufactured products, confirming the model of conservative insertion of Brazilian exports. The Rio Grande do Norte followed the trend Brazilian in the growth of foreign trade, including in participating conservative, given that the products exported by the state are basically coming from horticulture irrigated and agribusiness. However, in the aspect of destination export, the state followed trajectory distinct from that in the Lula government, with the deepening of trade relations with traditional blocks, especially with the European Union and NAFTA

Desenvolvimento nacional, desenvolvimento regional e moeda: notas teóricas à luz da economia política do desenvolvimento

This work analyses the ability of National States and regions have to formulations development strategies. Redeeming the initial development concept as a conflictual process, the hypothesis is that it presents internal and external constraints, as the latter have a higher preponderance, revealed the role played by money. In this case, one can point to as sub-hypothesis that the growth models with external constraint, mainly through the balance of payments, may illustrate the fact that countries are subject to international economic interactions that limit the possibility of bringing acylating strategies well successful in overcoming backwardness. For the specific case of regions, indicates that the external constraint remains an element of embarrassment for regional development, but redeems itself the center-periphery relations in this context to discuss the role of monetary and financial system as an explanation for the disparities regional income. On the domestic front, we highlight the importance of social structures of accumulation as an element of internal cohesion necessary to achieve successful development trajectories. It points also to the importance of the State in the process rescuing some of the main theoretical contributions of the political economy of development, incorporating the concept of globalization on theoretical frameworks presented. This construction where development depends on the actions of external and internal conditions, where money plays a key role as a guideline for reflections on regional development. The attempt was to transplant our considerations on the general development to address the case of regions. Finally, we conclude by greater confidence in the hypothesis and sub-hypotheses of departure, which led to propositions of economic policies

Política de formação docente na América Latina :Argentina, Brasil e Chile

This work aims at studying the policies of teaching training and their impact in the actors and in the education systems of the countries in which these policies were implemented into the context of neoliberal reforms. We particularly studied these policies in three Latin America countries: Argentina, Brazil and Chile. The policies studied here are the ones implemented from the 90 s. However, the horizon of this study is at the beginning of the 80 s, period that starts one of the four intervention initiatives of education here studied: The Main Project of Education For Latin America and Caribbean (PROMEDLAC), which in 2002 goes into a new stage and it is called Regional Project of Education for Latin America and Caribbean (PRELAC), worked out by UNESCO as a request of government representatives of countries of the region, based on the suggestions of Declaration of Mexico , signed by them in 1979. These suggestions will be in the base of the other three initiatives: The Education For All (EPT); Ibero-American Conferences of Education (CIE) and The Hemisphere Action Plan of Education (PAHE), whose documents are the base to the production of an abundant legislation and normatization on education that created the parameters on which the policies of education reforms were worked out and implemented and the dynamism of our education systems from the last two decades of the twentieth century on. All these initiatives intend to work with objectives, projects and programs that, in some cases, in isolation or in groups, are under influence of their actions in a way that frequently it is difficult to identify which of them is the main responsible for some advances. It is important to stand out that not all of the suggestions produced by these initiatives were implemented as policies, and many of them to be implemented were changed in such a way that they were distorted, even they were a result of a multilateral deal, each country gave to them its own interpretation. Moreover, in all these processes the teaching entities had and keep having a fundamental role. The evidences, result of the evaluations of each initiative, show that education policies implemented produced advances in several aspects. They are still not the ideal ones, in truth, but they do exist. In relation to the teaching questions, there were and are still being implemented multiples and varied actions that did not have the expected impact in the education systems of the countries, objects of this study, but, many of them that go on, are promising and start to have a positive impact into the education systems. Even so, the teaching subject matter, even playing a central role in the agenda of all countries of the region, still represents one of the big challenges to the advance and improvement of our education systems

Política, canção e teatro: o conto Aqueles Dois de Caio Fernando Abreu reverberando no cotidiano brasileiro

Quand on se plonge sur l‟oeuvre de Caio Fernando Abreu, on est forcement mené à faire une profonde analyse social qui résulte dans une grande bataille entre l‟amour, la société et la politique. Cette Memoire de Master, Politique, chanson et théâtre : Le conte « Ces deux-là » de Caio Fernando Abreu répercute au quotidien brésilien, montre que la plongé faite ici cherche à analyser, à partir d‟une perspective comparative, les angles observés par l‟auteur dans son oeuvre écrite pendant les années de la Dictature Militaire brésilienne, l‟influence des Beatles et du musicien/poète Caetano Veloso avec le mouvement du Tropicalismo. Dans ce travail, on observe le rôle du narrateur au sein du développement du conte comme représentation de la société irrémédiable et comme cette narrative s‟ajuste en mode théâtral. La lecture de cette memoire est basée sur l‟analyse du conte « Ces deux-là », du livre Fraises Moisies, et l‟influence de la musique Strawberry Fields Forever, des Beatles chez l‟écriture de l‟auteur, ainsi que les discussions sur les images présentent dans la narrative comme la structure essentielle pour le processus du montage du spectacle homonyme par la Cia. Luna Lunera, Minas Gerais, à partir du mécanisme de la traduction, du littéraire au scénique, appuyée sur les idées de Patrice Pavis

Homoafetividade e abertura política em contos de Caio Fernando Abreu

This text aims to study the literary representation of homoaffectivity in short stories of Caio Fernando Abreu in the context of brazilian redemocratization, specifically in the narratives published between 1982 and 1988. To understand the relation between literature and historical context in the tales, we betake, principally, to a notion of Literature and Society, as proposed for Antonio Candido. Relating the narratives of Caio Fernando Abreu with the military dictatorship and the redemocratization processes, as well as a generational project named contraculture, we aim to verify as the search for affection for men that desire others men may be conditioned for specific socio-hystorical conditions, understanding the literary work as a privileged field of representation and comprehension of reality

Da Pena à Espada: Xenofonte e a Representação de Esparta em A Constituição dos Lacedemônios

We intend to analyze how, through your own views and social practices, Xenophon composed the image of Spartans and their poliad regime during the period following the end of the 5th century to the early 4th century before BCE a time of great political turbulence in the Hellenic Poleis. In order to do so, we will use the writings in The Constitution of the Lacedaemonians, to point three elements that we believe are essential understanding of the Xenophon´s narrative: who was Xenophon and in which ways his life experiences influenced his narrative style; the idea of City, i.e., Xenophon´s idea of the Polis and how he defined it as a community of Citizens; and finally, to establish through which tools Xenophon build an image of Sparta and Spartans by way of their representations in his writings