16 resultados para Rétributions militantes

em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)


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With more or less 213.000 habitants, Mossoró is the second more developed city from the Rio Grande do Norte. The town is proclamated like the land of freedom. To so far, exist four moments in your history related with the defence of freedom that is point like truthful from so proclamation. Suchlike happenings are the first female vote on Brazil, the resistance against the Lampião s band, the worman s mutiny and the slave release in 1883, five year before the Áurea law sanction. These happenings are commemorate yearly on setember with one big theatrical event called by the freedom high. Inside this contexto of exaltation to freedom, there is one black movement by name black and beautiful. Is the present dissertation, talked about the building of black identities between the black militants of Mossoró and the dwellers from the Santo Antônio district. With such approach, we intend to think about possibles differences or likeness, how the militants and dwellers from the refered district self-calleds like blacks or not. We are understanding black identity like one process to self-affirmation done by specificities of the social context and the individual particularity. This way, the identity change into one dynamic and contextual reality, gone always by one business process against the interaction of the social actors. So we search to discuss the specificities that involve the process to building of black identities in the city of freedom

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The south region of the Rio Grande do Norte has been historically recognized as a place of old indian villages. Inhabitants of the edges of the Catu River, border between the cities of Canguaretama and Goianinha, the Eleotérios in the threshold of 21st century had passed to be seen and self recognized as "remaining indians" of the RN. Their ethnic mobilizations, when becoming public had placed to the intellectual and political fields an old question to be reflected on: the asseverations concerning the "indian disappearing" in the State. This item brings with it other implications. Accessed by a para-oficial indigenism, the Eleotérios had started to establish political relations with the Potiguara indians of the Baía da Traição/PB and the Indian Movement, feeling stimulated to produce and to reproduce forms of social differentiation. In this context, this research is worried about elucidating the process of construction of the ethnicity among the Eleotérios, percepted from the social relations and politics kept with the amplest society, into a particular historical situation involving sugar cane fields owners, proprietaries, militants, researchers, ambiental agencies. The effects of these political and social relations had been extended, making Eleotérios appear to the society as susceptible social actors to the specific policies for the aboriginal populations

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This study was presented to the Post-Graduation Program in Social Sciences at UFRN as part of the requisites for obtaining the title of Master in Social Sciences. It describes the results of the research From social movements to the institutional functions: the consolidation of a generation . Its main objective is to describe the history of a political generation that emerged from the social movements, in the 80 s, in Sergipe, and that nowadays occupies the main governmental positions in the State s political scenario. As its specific objectives, the research described the emerging of social movements in the 80s in Sergipe; it found in the social movements in Sergipe, in the 80s, the beginning of the history of a new political generation, and described the consolidation of this new political generation in institutional positions as the expression of a new group of power in Sergipe s politics. Among the social movements that gained visibility in that period and that projected their leadership into the political scenario of Sergipe, this study highlights: the students movement, teacher s movement, bank clercks movement, miners movement, and rural workers movement. It utilized as methodology the research in sites, magazines, and the use of testimonies from semi-structured interviews. The main leadership of the five movements that were analyzed is, nowadays, governing the state, administering the capital s city hall, and performing legislative work at the Legislative Assembly of Sergipe, and at the Chamber of City Councilmen of Aracaju. This study described the political history of the main leadership of that generation of militants and organizers of social movements, and of left party groups in Sergipe, highlighting that their consolidation in the political scenario of the State meant the consolidation of a new group of power in Sergipe s politics.

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The work that follows is dedicated to the study of the historic time experience by the political militancy from our time. The political militant from the left-wing is the one that denies the state of current things, recovering a historic experience located far before its time and projecting a future beyond the incessant reproduction of the present relations. We chosen the Landless Workers Movement, not as study object, but as specific place where this consciousness is made and can be comprehended. The historic consciousness study of the landless militancy is, for us, the best starting point to understand the magnification of the historical time operated on the change of social relations lived inside an organization. The time division between before and after, as well as the history being understood as a progress isn t a natural given data, but a construction that obeys the contradictions of the present. It, therefore, must understand how the present lived by the militancy operates changes on the consciousness of time. From documents, reference books, formation notebooks and several materials produced by MST, we try to understand the way that the movement tells his history and lists with this wider experience of the struggle for the change of the current social order. Similarly, when we hear reports of history of several militants, we try to comprehend how this wider narrative re-orients the sight over history himself, over the experience of contradictions on before and after making the landless militant

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This work examines the connection Syndicate/teachers profession trying to unveil the important role taken over by the Syndical movement in the process of professionalization of the militant teachers. For that, it describes and analyses the historical course of three Syndicates representatives of the teachers category Associação dos Professores Licenciados da Bahia APLB; Sindicato dos Trabalhadores em Educação de Pernambuco SINTEPE; Sindicato dos Servidores Municipais de Petrolina SINDSEMP acting in the micro-region of the San Francisco Valley, especially, in the municipalities of Juazeiro Bahia , and of Petrolina Pernambuco. It concentrates its interests on the contribution of the Syndicates for the professional development of these teachers in this region analysing the aspects related to emerging conflicts into the Syndical organization, to the attitude of these entities before the educational reality to their reinvindicative struggles to the formative dimension of the group actions. This study tries to answer the following questions: How has this syndical movement of teachers of state school of S. Francisco Valley been characterized? How do their actions reflect in the formation and professionalization of the teachers? Do teachers recognize the syndicate as a constructive space for the teaching profession? The methodological trajectory was directed through a qualitative approach of an etnomethodological character, using instruments for the understanding of this reality, The treatment of the data was based on the interpretative analysis of the speeches present in documents and through answers of the interviwees, having as a reference in this analysis the theoretical studies about syndicalism and the teacher professionalization. For a conceptual construction of this work it was studied these two categories from their genesis, from the social historical evolution of their concepts and the up to date discussions that give explanations about the teachers syndical movement and about the process of teachers professionalization. As thesis of this study it was defended the idea of that the teachers syndicates have contributed expressively in the process of the construction of the teacher profession of the militant teachers of this in the micro-region of the S. Francisco Valley. Once the teachers participate actively in this movement promoted by the syndical entities, the teachers develop the critical sense of the educational realty; improve their formation and reinvindicate from the State this condition as a Right; fight for better conditions in the work; reinvindicate the salary valuation and, try to construct an image of teacher basing on a professional model. The contribution of the Syndicate in the process of teachers profissionalization, is more evident in its external dimension that chacterizes the profissionalism, on the related aspects: to the forms of participation in the definition and the management of the educational politics; to the political struggles for the achievements of the professional status, to the recognition and of his eventual valuation. The syndical actions have repercussions with less intensity in the inside dimension that defines the profissionality, in the related aspects: to the administratation of the pedagogical processes in schools and in the classroom; to the acquisition of branches of knowledges; to the epistemological criticism of the acquirements mobilized in the teaching; the curricular question to the mediation that make possible the learning at school and in the classroom

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This work examines the connection Syndicate/teachers profession trying to unveil the important role taken over by the Syndical movement in the process of professionalization of the militant teachers. For that, it describes and analyses the historical course of three Syndicates representatives of the teachers category Associação dos Professores Licenciados da Bahia APLB; Sindicato dos Trabalhadores em Educação de Pernambuco SINTEPE; Sindicato dos Servidores Municipais de Petrolina SINDSEMP acting in the micro-region of the San Francisco Valley, especially, in the municipalities of Juazeiro Bahia , and of Petrolina Pernambuco. It concentrates its interests on the contribution of the Syndicates for the professional development of these teachers in this region analysing the aspects related to emerging conflicts into the Syndical organization, to the attitude of these entities before the educational reality to their reinvindicative struggles to the formative dimension of the group actions. This study tries to answer the following questions: How has this syndical movement of teachers of state school of S. Francisco Valley been characterized? How do their actions reflect in the formation and professionalization of the teachers? Do teachers recognize the syndicate as a constructive space for the teaching profession? The methodological trajectory was directed through a qualitative approach of an etnomethodological character, using instruments for the understanding of this reality, The treatment of the data was based on the interpretative analysis of the speeches present in documents and through answers of the interviwees, having as a reference in this analysis the theoretical studies about syndicalism and the teacher professionalization. For a conceptual construction of this work it was studied these two categories from their genesis, from the social historical evolution of their concepts and the up to date discussions that give explanations about the teachers syndical movement and about the process of teachers professionalization. As thesis of this study it was defended the idea of that the teachers syndicates have contributed expressively in the process of the construction of the teacher profession of the militant teachers of this in the micro-region of the S. Francisco Valley. Once the teachers participate actively in this movement promoted by the syndical entities, the teachers develop the critical sense of the educational realty; improve their formation and reinvindicate from the State this condition as a Right; fight for better conditions in the work; reinvindicate the salary valuation and, try to construct an image of teacher basing on a professional model. The contribution of the Syndicate in the process of teachers profissionalization, is more evident in its external dimension that chacterizes the profissionalism, on the related aspects: to the forms of participation in the definition and the management of the educational politics; to the political struggles for the achievements of the professional status, to the recognition and of his eventual valuation. The syndical actions have repercussions with less intensity in the inside dimension that defines the profissionality, in the related aspects: to the administratation of the pedagogical processes in schools and in the classroom; to the acquisition of branches of knowledges; to the epistemological criticism of the acquirements mobilized in the teaching; the curricular question to the mediation that make possible the learning at school and in the classroom

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Subjective and socially constructed instance, the memory is not a natural phenomenon, but an area of contention between various social organizations for control and legitimation of a past. With the development of writing and the advent of new technical devices, it creates new ways to store and transport information. The memory is no longer restricted to the limits of the here and now of the subject and undergoes transformations. In this scenario, the media start to play an important role in publicizing and construction of embodiments of memory. This study aims to analyze the conformation of the memory of political groups during the process of receiving audiovisual fiction. For this purpose, a corpus of four chapters of the soap opera Love and Revolution was used as a cognitive device for remembering. The television series, broadcast by SBT between April 2011 and January 2012, went back to the beginning and development of the military dictatorship in Brazil, in the cities of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo. Three militants of various affiliations Communists who acted against the regime in Rio Grande do Norte and neighboring states, were participants in this study. Using the method of oral history, the research was divided into two stages: in-depth interviews, which dealt with the history of life of employees with the militancy in the Communist parties and other social movements, and the assistance of a drive dramatic soap opera Love and Revolution. Comparing these two phases of the study, we analyze the flow of mediations that crossed memories of militancy and media framework; shifts the narrative of remembrance during reception, and the opposition between memory and represented the experiences of the receivers

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The history of women has been an important thematic in the field of Historiography in recent years. Many History scholars have discussed thematics related to genre, pointing out their relationship and conflicts. These new thematics are also the result of a series of changing in history that bring out new problems, subjects and approaches. Our aim in this work is to analise the experience of women militants inserted into the student secondarist movement (ME) in Rio Grande do Norte in the years of 1980 s. Discussing the concepts of History and Spaces, we try to analise the political spaces of ME through public and private spaces that make part of the student militant life, pointing out the conflicts faced during their standing into the movement. To a better understanding of the ME political overview, we set a summary to point out the reconstruction of the student entities reorganized after the military governments, as well as we picture a general picture of this women s insertion in history. We use the oral source as the main methodological resource to the development of our work

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This study focuses on two issues, the process of subjectivity production and the exercise of friendship alongside political militancy in the Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST). Friendship is here understood as the social practice with the potential to question certain modes of socially formed relationships as well as their becoming a political exercise. The political militancy phenomenon is problematized based on the subjectivity production perspective. The objective of the study was to construct acartography of the subjectivity production processes with political activists of the MST and to highlight the points in which the exercise of friendship enhances the appearance of singularity in the context of this militancy. The cartography is a research method that permits the identification of macro political, as well as micro political forces that interfere in a psychosocial context, such as the MST. The participants were members of an MST group that participated in a Pedagogy course coordinated by the Department of Education of the Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte. The other participants were militants involved in political formation activities at the social base, as well as in the other levels of the MST in the states of Rio Grande do Norte, Paraíba, Pernambuco, Ceará, Minas Gerais and Paraná. The results are linked to the oscillate incorporation of the landless identity model that occurs as a group of disciplinary strategies are put in practice in the political formation activities with militants, as well as the ways of model evation are formed. This occurs to the extent that new demands and forms of invested desires beyond the land object are incorporated in the MST. Such singular processes happen in three areas of the political exercise of friendship articulation: the masses, where there is a possibility for the MST to construct a new social collectivity; gender relations, where the socially destined space for women is redimensionized and; sexual diversity, which provokes the MST to follow its potential in questioning the actual hegemonic living modes. It is therefore considered that the MST has a great opportunity to become an important mediator of contemporary social and political struggles

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The public health is a project that struggles for a fair, resolutive and democratic health and that aims to help the collective and social bodies starting from their real needs, being totally involved with inequality and social determination issues. Thus, it is of fundamental importance to form a professional commited to this project. This current study aims to understand the perception of teachers/militants of Public Health about the graduation of Healthcare professionals. Therefore, we look forward answering the following question: Which elements are relevant to the formation of the sanitarian professional? This is a field research, descriptive and exploratory, with a qualitative approach. For data collection, we used a semi-structured interview technique with veteran professionals as sanitarians and teachers of Public Health area. The data were analyzed based on the technique of thematic analysis of subject. This technique consists in structuring the text in units, in categories according analogic reunification. In this sense, were organized three analysis categories, whose titles were guided according to the study objectives, namely: "The Institutional Formation of Sanitarians"; "Elements that contribute to the Sanitarian formation " and "Possible Paths in Sanitarian Formation". Four main elements of sanitarian formation were emphasized: technical capacity to develop a sanitation work, based on three conceptual pillars of Public Health; Framework, foundation and support on Social Sciences, in the social concepts of health; Life history of the student, implication of this with the Public Health object; Field operation, in the territory, directly integrated to the service and the health system. The intervieweds imagine a path to the sanitarian formation: the Public Health should be well explored in its theory and practice in graduation, in any health area and obviously in the graduation of Public Health; the Lato Sensu courses, especially residency, would need a theoretical upgrading, given the creation of undergraduate courses on the area; the Stricto Sensu courses, while forming researchers and teachers in the area, should develop productions involved with the health system and the object of Public Health, in order to bring an effective return, in terms of applicability, in the health system. It is suggested that such a path should be complementary, in a sense of adding knowledge as it travels through graduation, postgraduation Lato Sensu and post-graduation Stricto Sensu. The idea, in general, is that the graduate-residence set / specialization-mastering / PhD compose a linear formation, ascending and complementary. To follow all this process effectively, it is necessary, and urgent, to think of regulation strategies of the formating procedures. It is also recommended that more studies are conducted in this area, specially a more careful evaluation of the undergraduate courses in Public Health, which is a current and relatively new issue on formation in the area.

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The notion of autonomy arises in feminism as theory and action for horizontal and building self-appointed women in the project of social transformation. As part of the feminist movement - political subject of women - the autonomy is established dynamically, back and forth from the socio-historical context that sign and thus the correlation of forces that is with the women's group . Thus, for this work it was necessary to feminism take on your current process, which set the transitional period of "onguização" of feminist organizations (1980 to 2000), which discusses the relative loss of autonomy before the alliance as State and dependence on development agencies, for the current period, which incorporates discourses and practices through autonomous groups and their militants. Therefore, this study is based on research of autonomous feminism of young women, characterized as another radical and political integration proposed for that period. The aim then was to analyze the organizational capacity of autonomous feminist collective in Natal/RN, from the knowledge of the structure and dynamics of a group and understanding the consubstantiality gender, 'race'/ethnicity, class for the process organization. And with the participation of the Coletivo Autônomo Feminista Leila Diniz. This was in organizational transition, ending his career as ONGs and leaving for autonomous militancy. In order to achieve the so-objectification proposal, literature review was performed of the categories, feminism, autonomy, patriarchy, feminist activist conscientiously and collective; documentary research relating to the Group; participant observations within their meetings; and a themed workshop with some militants Autonomous Collective, which was produced pictures and speeches. The materialization of these instruments provided research analysis on the elements that constitute the young feminists and contemporary autonomous organizations, in view of the multiple experiences and the diversity of women who configures the subject [the subject] while feminist collective total. As well as taking a feminist militancy conscience expressed by the group studied the necessary re-appropriation of each other in combating patriarchal femininity, the hierarchical naturalizations marking the sex of women and the recognition as sex class for feminist autonomous organization for women's liberation.

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This research investigated the female performance in Pernambuco theater during the Brazilian military dictator ship in the 1970s, analyzing the works of four actresses of theater groups Hermilo Borba Filho, Experiential and Expression, who acted in the period. Launches a look at the female body in the theater from a body scenic transgression: the conscience of a body insubordination in response to a given context. However, before delineated an overview of the artistic and socio - cultural position of women in the theater, in the periods prior to the dictatorship in Brazil and Pernambuco, covering theatrical and historical references, in order to reflect on how these settings interfered in the picture Social actr ess under the dictatorship. The groups are revisited by the looks of interpreters, which was perceived that female targeted search relationships, and in this context, relations with other theater groups of the time, with other artists of the groups that we re inserted with the dictatorial context with censorship, with the offender engaged and theater, with the body. In parallel, it develops a reflection on the scenic body that opposed the dictatorship, a body that violates the established norms, the Transgre ssor Body. The research also discusses an analogy between the work of the actresses who opposed the military regime and militant women. Starting from analyzes with interviews with the actresses from the methodologies of Oral History and Discourse Analysis, the study is developed by building up connections between the testimonies of the artists and the philosophical assumptions of Henri Bergson, on the body and memory. It is also designed to reflect on the changes of the female body in the theater in history , also in line with the philosophical concept of Becoming Woman Felix Guattari. It was found, therefore, that the actresses from the nineteenth century, were a group of female social actors who changed the position of women in history; the stigmatization o f the actress by profession, considered indecent in previous centuries, left traces in some areas today and the idea of the liberation of the female body propagated by feminism in the 1970s, was configured at the time as the best way to protest and will influence, in some contexts, the representation of women in their theatrical make.

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Studies show that the theme of gender relations within the MST (Rural Landless Workers Movement) has incorporated some feminist guidelines discussions in the set of its speeches and daily practices. Therefore, this study aimed to investigate the production of meanings about the political militancy of women linked to MST in Rio Grande do Norte. The specific objectives sought to identify the continuities and ruptures related to the women's role in the family of the militant women and to investigate the militant’s discursive positioning about their work. The study is configured as a qualitative research, which six women militants linked to the MST at the RN participated. These women occupy the coordination and leadership functions in the movement. We will use a semi-structured interview, initially guided by triggering questions that included, among others, the dimensions: political militancy, family and work as an access tool to the phenomenon. The reports were analyzed from an initial categorization, based on the guiding principles: militancy, family and work, and were based on theoretical perspective of studies about the production of meaning, discursive practices, social psychology and gender studies. The meanings of militancy point to: contribution, hope, recognition, transformation, awareness and fight. The results show that there is always a positivation speech of life, achievements of a formation and about a new place as a woman at stake. These results come justified by the collective investment of struggle, not only for the access to land, but for social rights achievements too. Finally, the MST stands with a discursive agency that contributes to produce in these women not only the way of political participation: but a way to be exercised with collective subjects and their rights.

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Studies show that the theme of gender relations within the MST (Rural Landless Workers Movement) has incorporated some feminist guidelines discussions in the set of its speeches and daily practices. Therefore, this study aimed to investigate the production of meanings about the political militancy of women linked to MST in Rio Grande do Norte. The specific objectives sought to identify the continuities and ruptures related to the women's role in the family of the militant women and to investigate the militant’s discursive positioning about their work. The study is configured as a qualitative research, which six women militants linked to the MST at the RN participated. These women occupy the coordination and leadership functions in the movement. We will use a semi-structured interview, initially guided by triggering questions that included, among others, the dimensions: political militancy, family and work as an access tool to the phenomenon. The reports were analyzed from an initial categorization, based on the guiding principles: militancy, family and work, and were based on theoretical perspective of studies about the production of meaning, discursive practices, social psychology and gender studies. The meanings of militancy point to: contribution, hope, recognition, transformation, awareness and fight. The results show that there is always a positivation speech of life, achievements of a formation and about a new place as a woman at stake. These results come justified by the collective investment of struggle, not only for the access to land, but for social rights achievements too. Finally, the MST stands with a discursive agency that contributes to produce in these women not only the way of political participation: but a way to be exercised with collective subjects and their rights.

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With more or less 213.000 habitants, Mossoró is the second more developed city from the Rio Grande do Norte. The town is proclamated like the land of freedom. To so far, exist four moments in your history related with the defence of freedom that is point like truthful from so proclamation. Suchlike happenings are the first female vote on Brazil, the resistance against the Lampião s band, the worman s mutiny and the slave release in 1883, five year before the Áurea law sanction. These happenings are commemorate yearly on setember with one big theatrical event called by the freedom high. Inside this contexto of exaltation to freedom, there is one black movement by name black and beautiful. Is the present dissertation, talked about the building of black identities between the black militants of Mossoró and the dwellers from the Santo Antônio district. With such approach, we intend to think about possibles differences or likeness, how the militants and dwellers from the refered district self-calleds like blacks or not. We are understanding black identity like one process to self-affirmation done by specificities of the social context and the individual particularity. This way, the identity change into one dynamic and contextual reality, gone always by one business process against the interaction of the social actors. So we search to discuss the specificities that involve the process to building of black identities in the city of freedom