7 resultados para Política económica internacional
em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)
Resumo:
O artigo apresenta os principais elementos que compõem a questão ambiental na sociedade global, através de sua relação entre economia, meio ambiente e política internacional. A primeira parte expõe o debate ambiental no contexto internacional, enfocando-o a partir dos anos 1960, período em que os problemas ambientais surgem com mais intensidade e com eles os protestos sociais nos países centrais. Os encontros sobre política ambiental internacional foram realizados com mais frequência nos anos setenta como a conferência internacional sobre meio ambiente, a primeira chancelada pela ONU em Estocolmo, 1972. Nas décadas de 1970/1980 as autoridades governamentais reconheceram a urgência na resolução da crise ambiental e passaram a traçar estratégias para a mitigação e contenção da crise. A década de 1990 é marcada pela Conferência Rio 1992, que lançou o desenvolvimento sustentável, o qual recomenda que as gerações presentes devem se reproduzir sem comprometer a capacidade de reprodução das gerações futuras. Os encaminhamentos da terceira conferência internacional sobre meio ambiente (Johanesburgo, 2002) condicionaram a questão ambiental à necessidade da formulação de leis ambientais por parte dos Estados Nacionais e instrumentos económicos de gestão ambiental. Na Rio + 20, o tema central foi a economia verde, que surge como alternativa ao desenvolvimento sustentável e se relaciona a mitigação das mudanças climáticas, produção de baixo carbono, eficiência energética, energia renovável etc. O texto se encerra explanando sobre a questão ambiental internacional na sociedade global.
Resumo:
In the current systemic crisis, economic policy is directed to correct the consequences of the functioning of this metabolism, but within the limits of the capital. From this perspective, decision makers propose trade policies, agricultural and industrial to ensure conditions for economic growth. However, as a dead end, there is failure of the State in giving efficacy to the operation of all segments of the economy, especially given the budget constraint. Public managers are forced to seek external resources, resuming the cycle of political allegiance to the interests of international financial and banking representatives, installed in so-called multilateral. The complex ideological capital comes into play in trying to convince society that the paths taken by governments are inevitable, and that capitalism can be "humanized", even with the realization of the growing inequalities caused by historical irrationalism of the production process of capital . In this sense, emerging concepts that attempt to demonstrate the compatibility of the system to real human needs. This ideological offensive is intended to legitimize the capital. The so-called third sector has a special highlight with the concept of corporate social responsibility. It creates a political environment in which the inevitable mix-up with new illusions offered by and often funding the metabolism of capital in order to perpetuate this system. In this context, political elites, and considerable portions of the academy, embark on "waves of capitalist optimism," while the sociometabolismo capital expands its historical limits, driving forces postponing their collapse, but that cause human suffering and ecological stress. Wars are disseminated to strengthen the deadly war industry and the automobile industry; and devastating the environment of which depends the capital system. In this scenario disassemble, propositions emerge around a "new social pact" in order to minimize the adverse effects of the dynamics of reproduction of capital. The business class is called to exercise its role through the discourse that appeals to social responsibility programs, in order to intervene directly in the "social question". The core of this research is precisely this point. Although there is considerable scholarship on the phenomenon of Social Responsibility and Corporate Citizenship, there is also an evident lack of this approach focused on the banking sector in Brazil. The importance of rentier capital increased ownership of shares in the wealth produced by all of Brazilian society, justifies a sociological research project on Social Responsibility in the domestic financial sector. In this sense, it was decided to perform a dynamic approach to the "Corporate Citizenship" in the banking industry, specifically in the Bank of Brazil. As this is a key institution, is important analyze of the impacts of this strategy fetish of capitalist reproduction, in order to evaluate the social legitimization of rentier capital in Brazil. In this scenario of the abundance of the discourse on social responsibility there exist a progressive impoverishment of professional work in this segment in Brazil. There is a dramatic mismatch between rhetoric and practice because of the trend of deepening vulnerability of the working conditions of the Brazilian bank worker, from the 1990's. In the specific case of the Bank of Brazil, the first initiative of the institution was to conform to the principles of the UNO and the Ethos Institute, aiming to align their domestic policies to this new strategy of domination of capital. The purpose is to place the Bank in the ideological sphere of corporate social responsibility, just as with its partners in the private financial intercapitalist competition. Indeed, in the internal ambit of the Bank of Brazil, there is a policy to adjust its functional segments to the doctrine of Social Corporate Responsibility. The concepts of this doctrine is presented as something inexorable. There are no alternatives. The Bank of Brazil operates in a highly competitive market, the segment featuring the dominance of financial capital accumulation today. For this reason it can not fail to incorporate the technological advances organizational. For employees there is no alternative but to adapt to this new set of ideas proposed by the metabolism of capital
Resumo:
In a country of continental dimensions as Brazil, one of the top challenges to its economic growth is the logistic related to energetical demand supply. We live now in the era of environmental protection and, in this new context of priorizations, it passes trough the search for alternative energies for the energetic matrix, due the petroleum elevated costs in the global market (and its finitude), but also due its pollution over the environment. This attempt of substitution needs solutions related to the national reality, into a national long term developing plan and based at a juridical-economic analysis of its realization. This study will look for, also based in an economical analysis, the juridical legitimity of choosing natural gas as the new protagonist of national economic growth (as a substitute of petroleum) and the necessary boost that must be done by law, based on an economic policy focused strictly for that fact, as a modifying agent of this reality. This study, therefore, will always be turned to a constitutional aspect, respecting the principles of economic order and the goal of reducing regional inequalities, which must influence the making off of a developing plan. At the end, it will try to demonstrate the juridical viability of such undertaking, tuned in jus-economical criteria. Another goal is related to the analysis of the natural gas industry, due the regulation of its transport has a major importance for national energetic integration, not only because this activity be characterized as a net industry, still under control of a natural monopoly, but also because the competitive or cooperative profile that should be priorized at the beginning of the economic planning for this activity (such as investment policies and its own rules that will submit private agents)
Resumo:
The period post-war promoted several changes in relations economic, political and social world. Since then, a new division international of labor has delineated, with the great growth of Asian countries. In the field of international relations, the world still appears to transition is not completed because the old institutions were not replaced by new ones and the power of the United States as a major capitalist country remains unshaken, even with the emergence and strengthening of new economic global blocs. With globalization, Brazil emerges with more intensity in the face of new issues global, although its share in transactions trade global hasn‟t changed accordingly. In this sense, the objective of this dissertation is to examine, in a descriptive and critical the development of international relations and trade of Brazil and Rio Grande do Norte with the main blocs in the world from 1999 to 2008. As a secondary objective: to identify the assumptions theoretical that underpinned the decisions governments of the FHC and Lula, in particular, the interference of these terms in international relations and foreign trade. Adopted as the procedure methodological the literature review of the subject, as well as collection and processing of the data of foreign trade. During the Cardoso government has undergone the substantial growth in imports, as part of the economic policy of anti-inflationary, generating large deficits trade. From the first to the second term, with the inflection of exchange rate policy the country has resumed surpluses trade. The choice of government of the autonomy participation increased the relative share of the traditional blocks in total foreign trade and reduced the share of MERCOSUL. In the Lula government, there is the maintenance of some elements of the economic policy of the previous government and the partial shift in the conduct of foreign policy, with the option of autonomy through diversification, raising its stake on the blocks and other emerging countries in total foreign trade Brazilian and reducing the contribution of the traditional blocks such as NAFTA and the European Union. A trend observed in the previous government and deepened in the Lula government was the growth in commodity exports and the decline of manufactured products, confirming the model of conservative insertion of Brazilian exports. The Rio Grande do Norte followed the trend Brazilian in the growth of foreign trade, including in participating conservative, given that the products exported by the state are basically coming from horticulture irrigated and agribusiness. However, in the aspect of destination export, the state followed trajectory distinct from that in the Lula government, with the deepening of trade relations with traditional blocks, especially with the European Union and NAFTA
Resumo:
As a contemporary tendency, it is been evidenced that the environmental changes theme, already admitted as a concernment to international economical and political reality, is also gaining repercussion on industrial and business sector. Firms are implementing actions on trial to minimize their own greenhouse gases (GHG) emissions impacts. However, the great majority of those actions of Corporative Social-Environmental Responsibility (CSR) are referred only to direct emissions of the main production systems. Direct emissions are those derived of an isolate process, without considering the upstream and downstream processes emissions, which respond for the majority of emissions originated because of respective firm‟s production system existence. Because the greenhouse effect occurs globally and the GHG emissions contribute to the environmental changes independently of their origin, it must be taken into account the whole productive life cycle of products and systems, since the energy invested on resources extraction and necessary materials to the final disposal. To do so, it must be investigated all relevant steps of a product/production system life cycle, tracking all activities which emit greenhouse gases, directly or indirectly. This amount of emissions consists in the firm‟s Carbon Footprint. This research purpose is to defend the Carbon Footprint relevance and its adoption viability to be used as an Environmental Indicator on measurement/assessment of CSR. It has been realized a study case on Petrobras‟s seat unity at Natal-Brazil, assessing part of its Carbon Footprint. It has been used the software GEMIS 4.6 to do the emissions quantifying. The items measured were the direct emissions of the own unity vehicles and indirect emissions of offset paper (A4), energy and disposable plastic cups consumed. To 2009, these emissions were 3.811,94 tCO2eq. We may conclude that Carbon Footprint quantification is indispensable to the knowledge of real emissions caused by a productive process existence, must serving as basis to CSR decisions about the environmental changes reversion challenge
Resumo:
The right to the preservation of a healthy environment is perceived as a Fundamental Right, inserted in the National Constitution and referring to present and future generations. The preservation of the environment is directly connected to the right to Health and Human Dignity and, therefore, must be treated as a personal right, unavailable, claiming for a positive response from the Brazilian State, through the development of related public policies, control of potentially harmful economic activities, with special focus on the principles of precaution and solidarity. The Brazilian judiciary must thus be attentive to the guardianship of the Fundamental Right. The judiciary control over the execution of public policies is based on obeying the principle of the separation, independence and harmony between the Powers, however it should never deviate from the constitutional obligation of caring for the effectivation of the rights and guarantees within the Magna Carta. In the balance between the principle of human dignity, from which springs the right to a healthy environment and the principle of separation of powers, the former should prevail, maintaining the latter to a core minimum.
Resumo:
O artigo apresenta os principais elementos que compõem a questão ambiental na sociedade global, através de sua relação entre economia, meio ambiente e política internacional. A primeira parte expõe o debate ambiental no contexto internacional, enfocando-o a partir dos anos 1960, período em que os problemas ambientais surgem com mais intensidade e com eles os protestos sociais nos países centrais. Os encontros sobre política ambiental internacional foram realizados com mais frequência nos anos setenta como a conferência internacional sobre meio ambiente, a primeira chancelada pela ONU em Estocolmo, 1972. Nas décadas de 1970/1980 as autoridades governamentais reconheceram a urgência na resolução da crise ambiental e passaram a traçar estratégias para a mitigação e contenção da crise. A década de 1990 é marcada pela Conferência Rio 1992, que lançou o desenvolvimento sustentável, o qual recomenda que as gerações presentes devem se reproduzir sem comprometer a capacidade de reprodução das gerações futuras. Os encaminhamentos da terceira conferência internacional sobre meio ambiente (Johanesburgo, 2002) condicionaram a questão ambiental à necessidade da formulação de leis ambientais por parte dos Estados Nacionais e instrumentos económicos de gestão ambiental. Na Rio + 20, o tema central foi a economia verde, que surge como alternativa ao desenvolvimento sustentável e se relaciona a mitigação das mudanças climáticas, produção de baixo carbono, eficiência energética, energia renovável etc. O texto se encerra explanando sobre a questão ambiental internacional na sociedade global.