Urbanização turística em ponta negra: relações de força e processos sociais no período de 1979-2009

This master thesis aimed to investigate how the power relations operating in the tourism social processes, have shaped the urbanization of Ponta Negra district, Natal, Rio Grande do Norte - RN. The study assumes that the production of space is the result of global phenomena individualized by local forces a process of glocalization. The method used was the case study. It used primary and secondary data and information were treated using the technique of content analysis. The urbanization of Ponta Negra is inserted in the context of global process triggered in the 1970s. The Park of Dunas and Costeira Highway (PD/VC) urbanization project marks the beginning of the Tourisms since 1979. The period in focus was 1979 to 2009. The tourism was dived into four major sections time: tourism in Natal before the Coastal Highway (1939-1979); Project Parque das Dunas / Coastal Highway to the first boom in domestic tourism (1979 - 1990); the internationalization of tourism (1991-2000) and, of first "boom" to "decline" of international tourism (2001-2009). Based on the historical evolution of the tourism were elected three different social processes, able to demonstrate how relations of social forces brought in space act on them and help shape the process of urbanization of the neighborhood in question: The removal of beach hut , the soccer field Botafogo Football Club and the skyscrapers . Finally, it should summarize the research identified interests and conflicts among the actors that form the thrust of spatial transformations: cultural conflicts resulting from the imposition of social practices that differ from the taste of native; clashes between different groups that reflect the duality between use value and exchange value; and interests in land values. In addition, demonstrated that the social relations that involve the production of the area are stimulated by deep-seated societal processes historically and camouflaged by market relations and a modern facade that the city has acquired in recent times; revealed that the actors are linked in networks to increase their influence and that this influence varies mainly according to economic and political power that they or their associates hold

Análise das interpretações do governo Evo Morales: o legado histórico e o poder nacional-indígena

This work aims to analyze the interpretations about Evo Morales' government in Bolivia. For such, it proposes a theoretical reclaim of Marxism in Latin America, as well as of Bolivian political history since the 1952 Revolution, going through the crisis in Pacted Democracy intensified in the five-year conjuncture of struggles started in 2000 up to the election and reelection of Morales. It departs from an empirical prior conjecture taken from a qualitative analysis and a broad literature review to analyze the different interpretations of the Bolivian political process from Marxist theoretical matrices. After this historical recovery and this reading of contemporary Bolivia, it concludes with a consideration about the formation of a possible new block of power in the country, with the retaking of nationalism and Indianism as revolutionary reasons

Religiosidade e poder em Ceará Mirim/RN: o caso Monsenhor Rui Miranda.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior

O compromisso político do serviço prestado pela Fundação Bradesco na cidade de João Pessoa

In this work we have analyzed the political commitment of the social assistance sponsored by the Bradesco Foundation in João Pessoa. This Foundation is a private institution of public interest that provides social assistance to low income populations all over Brazil. This kind of work is one of the oldest management initiatives in what is actually referred to as managers` social responsibility. This thesis assumes that managers who are in fact socially responsible should guide their actions by the principles of social democracy, so that everyone can enjoy citizens` social freedom, and guarantee their rights as well as the political awareness of social actors. Analysis of documents and a qualitative approach have been applied to the pedagogical Project of the Foundation, as well as phenomenology to study the social profile of their students. The analysis of the pedagogical project as well as the students` standpoint towards life reveals that the Bradesco Foundation is indeed committed to the social efficacy of its students. The educational proposal of the organization includes those elements that are required for teenagers` education envisaging participative citizenship. The teenagers` speech reveals that they have developed the project identity, being therefore able to take part in the process of political transformation of our time. The results indicate that the Bradesco Foundation not only guarantees some of the basic social rights for the healthy development of those who attend their courses, but also sponsors a high level education providing both a technical and a political formation

Relações de poder, fragmentação e gestão do território no semi-árido nordestinho: um outro olhar sobre o Cariri paraibano

This study aims to analize the Cariri Paraibano territory, as a product of relations of power that were being established along its historic process of territory formation. In this process, the fragmentation and the territory management are fundamental elements to socioterritorial reality comprehension. The theoretical-conceptual basis is based on notions of territory, region, power and territory management, which are articulated to the opinions and empiric confirmations origined from interviews made with several social actions. They also were made photographical records and researches on books, newspapers and magazines, as well on other information sources related to the object of studying. Obtained data confirm the pressuposement on which the relations of dominations and the used methods by the power s owners in the region created a little fruitful political practice and little adequate to the process of active participation of the local population on the territory management, even being on disagreement with the new political-institutional mechanisms, which take to political-administrative more democratic and participative in the country

A missão política do Supremo Tribunal Federal: análise de sua importância como corte constitucional para o controle do poder no Brasil

The following study proposes an analysis of the politic process which the brazilian constitutional justice faces, emphasizing the Supremo Tribunal Federal . For that purpose, we start by examining the intimate relationship between Politics and Law, in view of the most recent social systems theories, so that the political system is distinguished by the exclusiveness of using the physical force, intending to make coletive tying decisions, and the juridical system as a congruent generalization of the expectations towards the rules and principles, brought together under an interdependence by which both gather legitimacy and effectiveness. In this manner we can notice the political effects of the constitutional interpretation conducted by Judges as well as by other juridical professionals, because these ones decrease the overload of expectations which are pointed to the Judicature. Constitutional interpretation is democratized since the participative democracy arises and stablishes a permanent state of awareness around the exercise of power and favours the preservation of the pluralism (counter-majoritary principle) where we can find the origin of the democratic nature of constitutional courts, once, in most cases, their members are not elected by the people. After that, we analyse the historical posture of the Supremo Tribunal Federal as a constitutional court in Brazil, so we can realize the attempts to make it vulnerable to the appeals of governability and economical aims, agains which this court somehow has resisted, stressing its particularities. At the end, it s concluded that even the so-called acts of government, whose judiciary control is mostly repelled, are subjected to a constitutional analysis, last frontier to be explored by the Supremo Tribunal Federal in its role of exposing our republican Constitution

Educação ambiental: mediações sociais e políticas e a indolência do Poder Público à sua inclusão no ensino formal

As a result of the prediction of irreversible changes on necessary conditions to maintain life, including human, on the planet, environmental education got the spotlight in the political scenario, due to social pressure for the development of individual and collective values, knowledge, skills, attitudes and competences towards environmental preservation. In Brazil, only in 1999 the right for environmental education was officially granted to people, having the status of essential and permanent component in the country s education. Since then, it has been Government s duty, in each federal branch, to plan actions to make it happen, in an articulate way in all levels and modalities of the education process, both formally and informally. This work of research has environmental education in the school as subject matter, and aims on analyzing social and political mediations established between this National Environmental Education policy and the contexts associated to the legislative production process, the political nature of the conceptions about environmental education that underlie Law 9.795/99 (Brazil, 2009c) and also Rio Grande do Norte Government s actions and omissions related to the imperative nature of the insertion of environmental education in the schools ran by the state, during the ten years this law has been in force. The investigation of the subject matter was led by a social and historical understanding of the social and environmental phenomena, as well as of the education system as a whole, considering that only through a dialectical view we can see the real world, by destroying the pseudo-concreteness that surrounds the topic. While analyzing, we assumed that in face of the dominance of a social organization in which market regulations rule on environmental ones, by developing individual and collective critical conscience, environmental education can become a threat to dominant economical interests in exploiting natural resources. The results of this research suggest that as an educational practice to be developed in an integrated, continuous and permanent fashion in all levels and modalities of formal education, environmental education has not yet come to pass in the state of Rio Grande do Norte, due to the neglect and disrespect of the government when facing the need of promoting the necessary and legally appointed measures to make it present in the basic education provided by the state. The legislators silence when it comes to approving a regulation on environmental education essential to define policies, rules and criteria to teaching the subject in the state and the omission from the public administration regarding critical actions in order to integrate in public schools the activities related to the National Environmental Education Policy, represent a political decision for not doing anything, despite the legal demand for an active position. This neglecting attitude for the actualizing of strategically concrete actions, urgent and properly planned for the implementation of environmental education in schools in a multidisciplinary way, exposes the lack of interest the predominant classes have in such kind of education being made available, as it could be developed based on a critic political view, becoming a political and educational action against dominance. When analyzing the basic principles and fundamental goals in Law 9.795/99 (Brazil, 2009c) the development of a critic environmental education is really possible and concurs with the National Environmental Education Policy, reflecting the social and political mediations established between this public policy and the contexts associated to its legislative production process, which are responsible for approving a regulation which also represents the mind of the people about environmental protection above anything else

As relações de poder na gestão da Escola Estadual Presidente Kennedy em Natal/RN: as ações decisórias dos órgãos colegiados - o conselho de escola e o caixa escolar

The present study examined the relations of power in the management of the Escola Estadual Presidente Kennedy, including the deliberate decisions on the School Council and School Fund, which guided the organization of the school. We sought to understand the management models that influenced the school organization, promoting contradictions in the decision making process. The school management is intensely marked by management models from the business logics as in the case of managerialism of bureaucracy. The formulation of educational policies based on managerialism has proposed a school-centered management with intense accountability of the school community in planning and monitoring the public services. The influences of these models subsidize hierarchical power relations that undermine the actions of decision-making of the collegiate bodies for the democratization of school management. To develop a research on the power, the investigation was based on studies of Bourdieu and Foucault. These authors understand the power in a relational system in a double sense, both in terms of discipline and the possibility of resistance. A theoreticalmethodological matrix was developed focusing on literature review, document analysis, structured interviews with twelve representatives of the segments belonging to the School Council and School Fund, as well as observations in meetings with the production of field notes. It was found that power relations experienced in the organization and activities of the school boards are marked by changes in public management over the years, promoting the contradictions between the concepts of corporate management originated in the business logics and the perspective of democratic management subsidized by official legislative documents at the national and state levels. The observations in meetings and analysis of the records showed that representatives related to management (president and manager of the school) have a privileged position with regard to exposure of their propositions, and are more likely to take a position in the political game of the collegiate bodies of work. It was also seen that the irregularity of meetings, particularly of the School Fund meetings, limits the experience of operation of the representatives in discussions concerning the planning and monitoring the actions of school management. Reports from representatives of the School Council showed that certain segments related to the management recognize their power of decision, however others have little interfere in the decision-making process in order to expound the desires of those who are represented by them. In the School Fund, the analysis of the records and interviews showed restricted moments of the meeting of representatives, and these only being aimed at choice or approval of the implementation plan prepared by the school management. The results showed no indications of moments of reflection to study the best chance for applicability of resources. This collegiate body (School Fund) has a questionable action when planning and monitoring the applicability of the financial resources of the School. To sum up, it was found that the Escola Estadual Presidente Kennedy still lives hierarchical power relations that undermine the institutionalization of democratic management in the various representative segments may take place in the game of political decision-making processes necessary for the organization of the school

A Família do tesouro: a monumentalização da família Albuquerque Maranhão e a luta pelo poder no Rio Grande do Norte (1889-1914)

The objective of this study is to discuss the process of building a family monumentalization Albuquerque Maranhão showed that both the traditional historiography of Rio Grande do Norte, represented by Tavares de Lyra, Rocha Pombo e Câmara Cascudo, as reflected in urban areas of Natal. To understand this process, we intend to analyze the production of the aforementioned authors as well as more recent studies, trying to discern or identify an attempt to link them to the family name to the history of Albuquerque Maranhão State, which ended up giving visibility to this group, making it the characters featured in the scenario of local history, investing them with a monumental character. In addition to historical analysis, we observe changes in the urban landscape of the city of Natal in the early twentieth century orchestrated by members of this family, which tied his line to public spaces for a new and modern city. Through this review, we will be able to realize that such practices turned out to be a stage of political disputes between Albuquerque Maranhão and opposition groups who were anxious to remove them both from the center of historical narratives on the Rio Grande do Norte, as well as the political space of the State environment exclusive domain of this group for nearly twenty years

O político nas imagens de A missão de Heiner Müller e O homem que era uma fábrica de Augusto Boal

Augusto Boal (Brasil) y Heiner Müller (Alemania) son dramaturgos del siglo XX que vivieron en países y contextos evidentemente distintos. Sin embargo, con la crisis del teatro burgués y de las condiciones de legitimidad del régimen de producción de este teatro, ambos presentan puntos de contacto en sus líneas y vectores teatrales que, frente a la universalidad cuestionable de la dramatización, llevan a la concepción de un teatro múltiple y perturbador del orden de lo sensible. Los procesos de escenificación contemporánea exige un adelantamiento del sentido político, desviando del juego de representaciones sociales, para dar lugar al trabajo deconstructor de imágenes como cisión entre la palabra y lo representado, entre lo legible y lo visible. Frente al expuesto, las escritas escénicas y, por eso, literarias de estos autores, sitios de singularización – no con ausencia de paradojas – capaces de movilizar manifestaciones e impases cuanto a las imágenes que ordenan o desordenan los textos dramáticos, traen para la contemporaneidad tensiones que llevan al teatro mismo, tanto a interpelarse como, en su fuerza plural, a encontrar pasajes para el nuevo. Llevar a la superficie aspectos políticos en las imágenes de los textos dramáticos, considerándolos en su inscripción literaria: “La misión: recuerdos de una revolución”, de Heiner Müller, y de “El hombre que era una fábrica”, de Augusto Boal, se hace un desafío, una vez que las imágenes pretendidas son aquellas con formas o materialidades todavía no visibles en la escena, podríamos decir, en estado virtual. Como imágenes pensantes, ellas suceden en el plan de inmanencia del lenguaje (Deleuze y Guattari). Siendo lo “político” una perturbación en lo sensible, contrario a la política (Rancière), la dramaturgia se abala en multiplicidades, desplazando y desnaturalizando las funciones de autor/dramaturgo y lector/actor, teatro/literatura. Dramaturgia simultánea, imagen, fragmento y colaje se muestran como procedimientos artísticos y literarios creativos que se encuentran apropiados sea en la teoría del teatro del oprimido (Boal), sea en el teatro pos-dramático (Hans-ThiesLehmann), a pesar de que, al confrontarlas, sobresalían en desentendimientos: la primera coincide con la lógica de la identidad y la segunda, esta se desarticula, movida por la diáfora, contestación, o desacuerdo. Tales relaciones – no apriorísticas – se suceden en cuanto acontecimiento de la lectura o de la literatura como acontecimiento en que lo político en las imágenes se da, antes, en las lagunas y obscuridades, aludiendo a lo que está más allá de lo sentido, de la escena del gesto y de la palabra. El lector no se para para atribuir sentido, se interroga frente a las metamorfosis y formas oblicuas de acontecimientos insospechables que componen lo político estableciendo la gestión colectiva de la enunciación. En este caso, el texto de Boal y el texto de Müller se inscriben en la producción de una literatura menor, o de un teatro menor, o que los califica como agentes de devenires revolucionarios, agitando, a través de la política en las imágenes, e irrumpiendo contra el problema del poder en las artes.