67 resultados para Movimentos sociais rurais

em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)


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This study was presented to the Post-Graduation Program in Social Sciences at UFRN as part of the requisites for obtaining the title of Master in Social Sciences. It describes the results of the research From social movements to the institutional functions: the consolidation of a generation . Its main objective is to describe the history of a political generation that emerged from the social movements, in the 80 s, in Sergipe, and that nowadays occupies the main governmental positions in the State s political scenario. As its specific objectives, the research described the emerging of social movements in the 80s in Sergipe; it found in the social movements in Sergipe, in the 80s, the beginning of the history of a new political generation, and described the consolidation of this new political generation in institutional positions as the expression of a new group of power in Sergipe s politics. Among the social movements that gained visibility in that period and that projected their leadership into the political scenario of Sergipe, this study highlights: the students movement, teacher s movement, bank clercks movement, miners movement, and rural workers movement. It utilized as methodology the research in sites, magazines, and the use of testimonies from semi-structured interviews. The main leadership of the five movements that were analyzed is, nowadays, governing the state, administering the capital s city hall, and performing legislative work at the Legislative Assembly of Sergipe, and at the Chamber of City Councilmen of Aracaju. This study described the political history of the main leadership of that generation of militants and organizers of social movements, and of left party groups in Sergipe, highlighting that their consolidation in the political scenario of the State meant the consolidation of a new group of power in Sergipe s politics.

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This study reflects on the conflicts that exist between the different forms of participation and the political representation manifested by community organizations and social movements in the city of Natal/RN. The objective is to better understand the process of political participation of the popular classes and how the different actors have represented collective demands in the struggle for rights. To this end, we mapped the organizations, social movements and participation spaces, through a type of participant research, in which we had the opportunity to experience and study different forms of collective action and events instigated by the community organizations and the Movement for the Struggle in the Neighborhoods, Villages and Slums (Movimento de Luta nos Bairros, Vilas e Favelas) MLB. From the theoretical contributions of authors such as Maria da Glória Gohn, Marco Aurélio Nogueira, Virginia Fontes, Vera da Silva Telles, Roberto Da Matta and Carlos Montaño, as well as the empirical data collected, the study revealed that on representing their segments and occupying different spaces of participation, some actors have formed partnerships with the State, putting collective demands on a second plane. Contrarily, other actors have articulated their struggle around collective demands and manifested through direct action, mobilizing and asserting themselves in defense of a project for society

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To the extent that the expansion of cities is increasingly pushing and segregating the working class to outlying areas, devoid of services and infrastructure, the urban space is also important as a space in the class struggle, and in this direction, the this study aims to analyze the political organization of urban social movements and popular organizations existing in Natal-RN, nowadays, in their process of struggle for social rights, with emphasis on the right to the city. With this dimension, we appropriate the contributions of historical and dialectical materialism because we believe that this benchmark enables the understanding of the processes of collective organization and a critical perspective of totality, going beyond its immediate appearance. For production data conducted literature, documentary and field, through semi-structured interviews recorded with (the) mapped leaders of organizations in our survey, as well as advisory bodies to the movements studied. The results of the study allowed us to characterize the action of the political movements in urban Christmas struggle for recognition and guarantee of the right to the city and seize the advances and obstacles in the process of intervention of social movements and popular organizations existing in Natal, highlighting dilemmas and contradictions underlie the processes of organization and mobilization in the contemporary period. Thus, we conclude that the Natal territory, as in contemporary Brazil, the urban and political action movements that show the public scene and intertwine necessarily relate to historical trend that has been performing since the 1990s, when the country entered a period marked by a new bourgeois offensive

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The world`s ecology crisis has in the capitalism way of production one of the possible causes. The unstopped search for the profits, into unlimited exploration of limited resources, made a huge transformation in human relationships with the nature, causing environment devastation, shortage of resources and species disappearance. Arises the necessity of question the society model that we are and which brings this crisis state, while we are impelled to search an alternative way. The ecosociallist praxis blows marxist principles with ecological matters, bringing important contributions regarding alternatives to capital/exploratory modus, advocating for a social fair society and environmentally sustainable. This way, by bibliographic review, we will research about this theory which have been growing in academic middles. In the same way, we will analyze the rural social movements paper in the construct of this reality. Throut the half estruture interviwes, bibliografic research and visities in the space of settlement called Moacir Lucena, that is today a exemple of rural resignification

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Este ensaio tem como objetivo discutir premissas de análise da temática movimentos sociais e transformação societária presentes na formulação marxista. Para tanto, retoma o pensamento de autores clássicos, em especial, Lênin, Rosa Luxemburgo e Gramsci. Destaca, com base nesses autores, as determinações fundamentais para a análise das lutas sociais da classe trabalhadora, enfatizando a teoria da organização, a ampla participação das massas e a construção de uma nova hegemonia

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Este trabajo analizó el protagonismo de los Movimientos Sociales en el proceso de construcción y de aprobación del Plan Nacional de Educación (PNE 2014 - 2014) con énfasis en las metas para da Educación Universitaria. Las cuestiones que problematizan la investigación son: ¿En qué contexto histórico los Movimientos Sociales asumieron el acceso a la educación universitaria com o un derecho social? ¿Qué protagonistas se involucraron en el debate sobre la política de educación universitaria en el PNE (2014 - 2024)? ¿Qué confrontaciones y antagonismos están presentes allí? ¿Cuál es el papel de los Movimientos Sociales en la Conferenc ia Nacional de Educación (CONAE) y en el Foro Nacional de Educación (FNE)? Para contestarlas, articulamos la política educacional propuesta por el PNE con las reivindicaciones históricas de los Movimientos Sociales por el acceso a la educación como un dere cho social, evidenciando el proceso de construcción de las directrices, las metas y las estrategias en los contextos políticos de articulación, proposición y reivindicación en los que se produjo la actuación de los protagonistas para la elaboración y la ap robación de esta política, tanto cuanto los antagonismos identificados. Como aporte teórico/metodológico adoptamos como objeto de estudio empírico los procesos de construcción y aprobación del mencionado PNE dentro de los espacios de participación colectiv a, en la construcción de acuerdos y proposiciones como la Conferencia Nacional de Educación realizada en 2010 en Brasilia/DF, las conferencias municipales, intermunicipales y de los Estados, el Foro Nacional de Educación (FNE) y la Comisión Especial de la Cámara Federal que lo antecedieron. Para el análisis de los documentos y de los testimonios de los protagonistas de los Movimientos Sociales seleccionados como sujetos de la investigación, los guías teóricos y los fundamentos conceptuales fueron la sociolo gía de las ausencias, la sociologías de las emergencias y el procedimiento de traducción propuesto por Boaventura Santos ( 2005; 2006; 2007; 2010), en diálogo con otros guías teóricos, como las nociones de confrontación política y oportunidad política organ izadas por Sidney Tarrow (2009). Partiendo de esa base conceptual, privilegiamos la relación de los Movimientos Sociales con la agenda de la educación brasileña cuando direccionados al PNE, analizada en base a las contribuciones de Germano (2013; 2011; 200 8; 2007; 1982), Dourado (2011; 2010; 2006); Saviani (2014; 2010; 2009; 2007; 2004,), Gohn (2012; 2010; 1997; 1995), Dagnino (1994) y Scherer - Warren (1993), entre los autores que contribuyen con el carácter transdisciplinario de esta investigación. Las cont ribuciones de estos autores propician el entendimiento de la diversidad epistemológica encontrada en las experiencias llevadas adelante en los Movimientos Sociales mediante sus actuaciones en los diversos espacios sociales e institucionales, observando las conquistas obtenidas en la política educacional contenida en el PNE 2014 - 2024, así como la comprensión de la lucha por el reconocimiento social y sus conexiones con los temas emergentes presentes en el debate de la educación nacional. De este modo, el est udio indica elementos que posibilitaron la confirmación de la tesis de que la Política de Educación Universitaria aprobada en el PNE 2014 - 2024 (Ley nº 13.005/2014) representa las resonancias de las movilizaciones y reivindicaciones de los Movimientos Socia les por el acceso a la educación como un derecho social inalienable.

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Este trabalho se debruçou sobre a produção audiovisual das movimentações de protesto ocorridas em Natal, capital do Rio Grande do Norte, entre maio e junho de 2011, denominadas #ForaMicarla. Objetivou-se caracterizar esta produção numa tentativa de responder o porquê e como eles lançaram mão do vídeo em suas ações, sob as hipóteses de que a midiatização e o acesso facilitado a estas tecnologias tinham a ver com suas opções. Lançou-se mão de procedimentos histórico-dialético e teoria fundamentada (Fragoso, Recuero e Amaral), a partir das técnicas de observação não-participante, aplicação de questionário e entrevistas em profundidade. Posicionou-se estas movimentações sociais em redes, na conceituação de Castells, dentro de uma perspectiva da contra-hegemonia como uma Mídia Radical (Downing), sendo um Audiovisual de Combate (Bustos). Esta mídia possui as características do Novo Protesto (Assis), inserido no contexto da midiatização da sociedade de Verón e Sodré. Tentou-se também identificar historicamente as origens do poder hegemônico e a estrutura oligárquica, coronelística e familiar que fundou o poder no Brasil, apropriando-se do conceito de Coronelismo Eletrônico de Lima e Lopes e Assistencialismo Midiático de Guareschi, Dias e Hartmann. Através dos dados obtidos houve a emersão das categorias para análise deste tipo de audiovisual.

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The present work treats the movements dedicated to reinvidication per land and social rights for the field works, among 1960 and 1964. Trying to understand this question in the Rio Grande do Norte it is necessary to consider the connection between the catholic church and the rural syndicates besides the influence of the Brazilian communist party, and still other social movements and the state. The structures politics local, national and international, had considerable importance to the organization rural potiguares workers. The rural potiguares syndicate appear in 1961 - after a hard organization work starting of the Service of Rural Assistance - and expand itself through state until the middle of 1962. Soon the first big conflicts an important manifestation are perceive, indirectly referring to a increasing movement's performance. The Favoring Progresses chains co quested a biggest influence in the politics destiny of the Rio Grande do Norte, in front of integration among syndicates, educational projects, and favoring progress's politics. But the military coup hired that the hope overflow the field

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This work discusses how schooling processes can contribute to young settlers resignify their relationship with rural settlements where they live. We want to understand youngster s place, his relationship with local community, social movements and their acting, after formation, at their localities. Thereunto, we tracked a group of students of Land Teaching Course, developed through a partnership between UFRN, INCRA and MST in the years 2004 to 2007. We observed their trajectories, the learnings provided by the Course and how Formation Centre experiences contributed to their agent conditions, offering them choice opportunities on different fields. We understand that formation process enabled them to have individual gains, widening their range of choices, while have contributed to development of areas in which they live, from their collective action. Social practices experienced in collective environment, combined with education access, provided a set of knowledge. These learnings have enabled youngsters to assume positions in participation areas which have been opened at school, while teachers, at social movements and at associations that manage the settlements

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The research aimed to study the emergence, role, and the possibilities of environmental movements in Sergipe, running through an analysis of the period between 1983 and 2011. This goal has been guided by the core issue of research, which was to analyze the relationship between the mission, structure and action of environmental organizations in Sergipe. The research arose from the need to map and critically evaluate the environmental movement in Sergipe. The methodological procedures focused on the literature search, survey papers in Sergipe a time gap of 28 years, detailed analysis of nine "movements" and selected in-depth interviews, semi-structured interviews with dozens of social actors involved in the area. In conclusion, we observed that environmentalism in Sergipe, from its inception, was associated with recovery of consciousness regarding the environment, to combat local problems of degradation, and the search for legitimacy of public opinion. Although the environmental movement have been, at times, the attention of mass media, the movement failed to leave the niche and achieve a more representative portion of society. You can still see the deep relationship between the profile of environmental leaders, capital strength and the practical results of the environmental actions and finally, it was observed that the action of the movements has much stronger bond with the relationship of the organization and its main leaders with the other "environmentalist," than with the structure and mission of the institution

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This program resumes the history of the political-pedagogic actions on the Serviço de Assistência Rural SAR, of Natal archdiocese, and analyses the contributions of this actions on the process of rural workers organization in the social movements on the countryside. The educative actions of the RAS are happening in a permanent tension between the pedagogic project of a church in change and, a pedagogy of the groups, communities and social movements, that is centered in the cultural action, in the culture lived from its condition of citizens. This research reveals that this entity fulfilled a strategic attribution for the Natal s church on the formation of the community leaderships, at a first moment and leaderships for social movements. Before the military dictatorship, the work methodology of this entity had as priority, begin from the reality leaved by the rural workers in the expectation that these became to qualify themselves for a more citizen participation in the call development. During the military regime, the entity goes measuring theirs activities in the new context, until the moment that redefines the work line. Goes then defining regions and thematic of operation supporting the fights for land, salary campaigns, women agricultural workers organizations. The pedagogy of work has as one of its supporters the Paulo Freire s pedagogy, privileging the dialog as a source of production of knowledge from the reality leaved in a permanent transformation. The actions of this entity, with the groups and social movements, produces the necessary knowledge for the organization of the rural workers while individual and social subjects of a changing world. The process of action-reflection of the activities intended, by a creative form, a permanent production of strategies of fight of the workers. Research ever, not to make accommodate itself to the new knowledge acquired in the action-reflection it is part of the pedagogical idea of this Institution. One searched in this process of formation of the man and the woman to question the reality, to create actionreflection-action spaces on the fights for a possible transition of an ingenuous conscience for a critical conscience, in view of the transformation of the structures that oppresses them

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This study focuses on two issues, the process of subjectivity production and the exercise of friendship alongside political militancy in the Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST). Friendship is here understood as the social practice with the potential to question certain modes of socially formed relationships as well as their becoming a political exercise. The political militancy phenomenon is problematized based on the subjectivity production perspective. The objective of the study was to construct acartography of the subjectivity production processes with political activists of the MST and to highlight the points in which the exercise of friendship enhances the appearance of singularity in the context of this militancy. The cartography is a research method that permits the identification of macro political, as well as micro political forces that interfere in a psychosocial context, such as the MST. The participants were members of an MST group that participated in a Pedagogy course coordinated by the Department of Education of the Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte. The other participants were militants involved in political formation activities at the social base, as well as in the other levels of the MST in the states of Rio Grande do Norte, Paraíba, Pernambuco, Ceará, Minas Gerais and Paraná. The results are linked to the oscillate incorporation of the landless identity model that occurs as a group of disciplinary strategies are put in practice in the political formation activities with militants, as well as the ways of model evation are formed. This occurs to the extent that new demands and forms of invested desires beyond the land object are incorporated in the MST. Such singular processes happen in three areas of the political exercise of friendship articulation: the masses, where there is a possibility for the MST to construct a new social collectivity; gender relations, where the socially destined space for women is redimensionized and; sexual diversity, which provokes the MST to follow its potential in questioning the actual hegemonic living modes. It is therefore considered that the MST has a great opportunity to become an important mediator of contemporary social and political struggles

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This discourse analyzes the technical assistance concerning the rural settlement, which is seen as a demand of the social movement that claims for agrarian reformation, and is a goal of II PNRA, launched in may 2004, as a essential national public politics on process of building and consolidation of settlement and familiar agriculture, proposing the return of technical assistance service and rural extension in Brazil, which were started in the and of 1940 s. We analyze, in particular, the technical assistance program, social and environmental agrarian reformation, on model settlement, a program created, especially, to the rural settlements, coordinated by INCRA. Based on the documental analyze and local study, it is noticed that the experience of technical assistance implemented on model settlement shows the non continuation and fragility on technical assistance actions to rural workers. This context goes against the lately technical assistance governmental apparatus, which ensures to make settlements stronger, to support and to get important the familiar agriculture system. This way, technical assistance execution, trough the tertiary service, follows the neoliberal strategy and, the State, besides decreases the estimate to public politics, takes its actions control from the State to the shared control through partnership and transferring of responsibility, expressing its historic lack of attention to the worker class demands. In spite of workers resistance, expectative and hope, the lack of these services, as well as the other politics deficiencies, which are necessary to the settlements, are endangering its activities and threatening its survival in the settlement

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This paper analyzes the political participation of Social Workers at the Social Service Regional Council Region 14th. The theoretical and methodological framework of this investigation has as its perspective the totality of social life and its determining relations within the object of study. To the production, analysis and collecting of data it was used a qualitative approach considering a bibliographical and documental research as well as a series of twelve interviews with 2005-2008 and 2008-2011 managing counselors of CRESS/RN. It was also used the data obtained from other special interviews held with the social workers in the period between 2007 and 2008. The results of this study allow and affirm the political dimension of Caseworkers and the CRESS/RN as a space of political activity with opportunities for effective and collective elaboration of strategies in order to reach the fulfillment of the ethical and professional policy of the Social Work. From a historical viewpoint, the beginning of this process is marked by the struggle for democracy, the end of military dictatorship, the establishment of the State of Human Rights. The Democratization of the so called Federal Council of Social Workers and its Regional Councils of Social Workers, CFAS / CRAS, respectively, area a result of the participation of the category in an effort to fight for democratization in Brazil. The objective of this research, so, is to understand which the socio-historical determinants are, that focus objectively and subjectively in the demobilization of social workers in CRESS Region 14th - in the contemporary and historical context. Among the results obtained we identified the ignorance of some professional workers and also of some advisors, regarding the existence and the role of the Council, as well as the commercialization of Education that compromises the quality of the professional training in its theoretical and methodological, ethical and political dimensions. According to our understanding, this shows a the presence of a non-critical professional profile based on a false reality, on the precariousness of employment contracts which undermine the political organization and submit the worker to various social exploring mechanisms such as double shift and ultimately the fragility of the management of the Regional Council -, as a consequence of the offensive capitalist system that ideologically invests to stop the political organization founded in a critical and democratic perspective. The low participation of some advisors and, in general, the category in CRESS / RN, despite its objective conditions, is a reality and it is presented to us as a challenge to future managements and policy consolidation to society. Inasmuch as the category intends to guarantee the high quality of its social workers, the demands of future counselors, their skills and abilities in dealing with regulatory issues, administrative policies that pervade the everyday life of CRESS / RN are necessary

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It understands a study made concerning the main aspects of the Agrarian Reform and the Agricultural Nestings of the Rio Grande do Norte. For in such a way an inquiry became necessary initially on the origin of the Brazilian agrarian concentration passing for the donation of Sesmarias, Land Law, Statute of Land and Ith National Plan of the Agrarian Reformation, as well as of the Social Movements of fight for the land appeared since century XIX: Canudos, Contestado, Cangaço, Ligas Camponesas and MST. Drawing the fight for the land in the Rio Grande do Norte, we rescue the component elements of the first indications of the Agrarian Reform and formation of Agricultural Nestings in the State. In the attempt to unmask the current situation of the Settlements, we investigate some concerning aspects to the conditions of life of the seated ones, that it is marked by innumerable problems that go since the lack of water until the a precariousness of the infrastructure and presence of services, over all with relation to the education and health. For in such a way we work initially on the basis of diverse bibliographical readings, together data-collecting the official agencies and some directly involved entities with the Agrarian Reform in the RN. We utilized also the research of field in 27 Settlements of different Microregions of the State that consisted of the application of interviews together to the leaderships of these Settlements and application of forms with the seated families who resulted in a bigger knowledge concerning the reality of these areas that integrate the Politics of the Agrarian Reform