Ação de impugnação de mandato eletivo: análise constitucional e novas perspectivas

This study is developed in setting in which the Federal Constitution of 1988 completed 22 years of validity, as well as in general elections (national and state) in country. From this perspective, there are multiple reflections, especially on the constitutional mechanisms of popular sovereignty consolidation, the integrity and legitimacy of elections and democracy itself. It has appeared timely, therefore, to examine the development of ensured instrument of these precepts. Thus, it is approached as an object of research to Action of Impugnation to the Elective Mandate- AIEM, under Art.14, § 10 and § 11 of the Constitution of 1988, considering its constitutional and electoral reasons. It is then aimed to review the second AIEM conceptions of scale, systematic interpretation, preservation of constitutional rights and its effectiveness. Specifically, it is analyzed the Action as to the forms of power that relate to this. then it is examined the democracy principal aspects related to the issue. Without being followed, it is the democratic situation in which it is operated. They are also examined the political rights, especially regarding restraint applied to ineligibility and the possibility of integrating the effects of an impugnatory origin. Following, it has been discussed the formation of an early panorama, consisting of constitutional principles applied to electoral constituencies and eminently procedural principles and, according to which subsidizes the operations of such Action. After that, addressing the Election Law, including its concept, its sources, the Electoral Court and its peculiarities and functions. It is also considered the elective office as to its definition, characteristics and ways of accessing and extinguishing it. Afterwards, the Action of Impugnation is studied from its historical evolution of laws, legal, concept and goals. Expanding on the theme, it s highlighted about their chances of traditional appropriateness (economic power abuse, corruption and fraud) and modern (abuse of economic power intertwined with political) business, including the suggestion of suitability in case of abuse of unique political power. It was also identified the injurious potential demand affecting these illicit to enable the Action. Subsequently, other relevant aspects were explored, such as the legitimacy ad causam, competence, secrecy, procedure, recklessness, bad faith, the purpose of the merits and manageable resources. In the end, it is demonstrated an evolution of AIEM, however, still insufficient to reach full intentions that rise it. It is proposed therefore to re-read the action from news perspectives, based on constitutional and electoral precepts, as well as wider interpretation of the appropriateness of their assumptions of suitability and effects, according to a systematic interpretation, all aimed at the preservation of constitutional rights and their own effectiveness

O Plano Diretor como instrumento de gestão da cidade: o caso da cidade de Fortaleza/CE

According to article 182 of the Brazilian Federal Constitution, cities should perform social function, what brings the concept that the city should be a place for one to live well. For that to happen, it should be well administered by its public managers. However, so that there is a sound administration, one that really performs that social function, there must be, first, an efficient planning. We understand that such a thing occurs when the master plan is the main planning instrument of a city and serves as basis for its administration. We notice, however, that in most of the cities the master plan is formulated as a law that regulates urban planning but that both the population and the government most of the times are not aware of its importance concerning the relevant issues related to municipal administration, such as its relationship with the economy, taxation, the social issue, land use regulation, and, in summary, with all the aspects that constitute and that a municipal government should manage in the best possible way. One also knows that, in general, the attempt of city planning has always been connected to the duration of a mandate and that way public managers many times implement restricted measures aiming to just attain a political-electoral objective and publicizing their administration. That implies actions and works that in some cases have negative impacts or ones that cannot be removed from the cities. This study intends to show that the master plan should be the planning instrument guiding the municipal administration but that, however, what we note is a lack of connection between that instrument and the government guidelines of the municipal managers. In order to study what happens to the cities that have a planning which is not taken into account in its administration, we will use the city of Fortaleza, capital of the State of Ceará as a case study. Historically, in Fortaleza the public managers have seldom decided to administer the city in according to the master plans developed for it. We should emphasize that planning begins in the city quite late and until the current days it is being substituted by temporary measures. Through the analysis of the planning process and of the urban management of the city of Fortaleza, especially the master plans predicted since 1933, we explain that if such plans had been implemented, they could have been important tools for its administration to attain a social function, becoming therefore a place for one to live well

Greve do voto: a política da antipolítica nas eleições municipais de 2004 em Fortaleza

This study discusses the use of communication strategies in the dispute for political hegemony in the contemporary society. In order to do so, one starts from the concept of politics in its broad sense, involving, besides parties and parliaments, the groups and organized social movements. The comprehension that the political activity, nowadays, involves the media, made part of this study be focused on the investigation of problems in this relationship. We analyzed, especially, the communication actions promoted by the Grupo Crítica Radical, in which participate, among others, Maria Luiza Fontenelle, former mayor of Fortaleza, and Rosa da Fonseca, former concillor. They left their old parties after a process of self-criticism concerning their incumbencies, partly influenced by the books of Robert Kurz about the collapse of capitalism . After this historical contextualization, one starts the analysis of the campaign Greve do Voto promoted by the Group during the municipal elections of 2004. The production of campaign material, the street drama, the small shows and the fact that the press covered the campaign are discussed starting from the theoretical formulations presented on this research, understanding, this way, the challenge of these groups to build an action against the hegemony allied to the universe of the mass media

Reforma administrativa e gestão de políticas sociais em Mossoró: a falácia dos atores institucionais e sociais

The thesis entitled The administrative reform and social political management in Mossoró: the institutional and social staff's falacy. Comprehends a moment of apprehensiveness and analysis in the reestrcturing process of the city, whose process will show the formation of strategies and deployment of its relation with the social political affectiveness. It represents a single moment in the approach of such a kind of experience in the city. The analysis starts from the third mandate of the Mayor Rosalba Ciarlini Rosado, during the quadriennium 2001/2004, for being the time in which the public management got materialized, such as in the operational way of the social politics. For that, we delimitate this study in two distinct moments: the first one refers to the reform elaboration from the creation of the additional law nº 001/2000 GP/PMM: the second one refers to a practical reform from the social and institutional staff's speech. Within that scenary it was seen that the approaching, though partially, the State Reform and, consequently, the master plan of the state apparatus, which were made of theoretical matrices of such a project locally. However, that is a complex experience, that required the use of field and documental research for the proposed investigation and at the same time, prove the guiding hypothesis of it, what means a grouping of areas like: education, healthy, and social development in only one department City Citizenship Department that is able to materialize a new intitutional arrangement, according to the management principles in the public administration at the govern local level, configuring a reform and not just an institutional adequacy. In that context, it got necessary to apprehending the institutional and social actors' falacy as a way to prove or not the presented hypothesis. Among the first staff, we have the mayor's direct leaders and advisors' perception that express the politcal administrative aspects of the reform and, in the second, the perception of the political view of what has changed concerning the management of the social politics

Os embates entre ciência e política na experiência parlamentar de Josué de Castro

This study want to know how Josué de Castro, the two terms of a congressman, participated in the Brazilian political-ideological debate of the 1950s. For this, search the 61 speeches in the plenary of the House of Representatives and its 14 projects, analyzing them as historical documents that describe an experience, which enables the central category amalgamated the subject and his time, which breaks up the possibilities of new social practices. Unity of action and reflection, the experience of Castro in the Brazilian parliament has got on the basis of a previous flow experiences in the political-institutional and scientific. Together with the personal history, the political intellectual scenario of his time was another variable considered in the first chapter of this work. In the second chapter did an analysis of 32 speeches and projects of the first term of Josué de Castro, grouping them by thematic affinities. The 43 for the second term were discussed in the third chapter, leaving the final considerations answer the research objectives: What are the main interlocutors? What are your political positions? What are the points of rupture and continuity in his political career? Josué de Castro spoke to the Brazilian state directly to the president, some ministers and to the SUDENE, the ONU appears indirectly through the reports of his participations. His political position was a national-developmentalist who embraced the cause of self-determination of the countries, anti-imperialism, agrarian reform and regional planning, strongly inspired by Celso Furtado and San Tiago Dantas. Castro often has blended a liberal and Marxist terminology, relying on different ideologies to do support his fight against hunger

A legitimidade da jurisdição de primeiro grau na concretização dos direitos fundamentais: proposta de um novo modelo jurídico-administrativo para o segundo grau de jurisdição

The current study is about the legitimacy of lower court jurisdiction as a way of exercising basic legal rights, proposing, therefore, a new legal-administrative model for appellate court. In order to achieve that, a demonstration of the importance of basic legal rights in the Brazilian legal system and an open interpretation in light of the Constitution, as a way to affirm said rights, among which are accessibility to the justice system and proper legal protection, is required. As a result, the legitimacy to access the legal system resides in the Constitution, where the interpreter should seek its basic principles to achieve basic legal rights. It is observed that the lack of credibility regarding lower court decisions comes from the dogmatic view of truth born from power, and therefore, that the truth resides in decisions from appellate court and not from lower court judges. A lower court judge holds a privileged position in providing basic legal rights for citizens, considering his close contact to the parties, the facts, and the evidences brought forth. Class action suit is presented as an important instrument able to lead the lower court judge to provide basic legal rights. Small Claims Courts may be used as paradigm to the creation of Appellate State Courts formed by lower court judges, reserving to higher jurisdiction courts and Federal Circuit Courts, the decisions of original competency and the management and institutional representation of the judiciary system. Instilling an internal democratization of the judiciary is also required, which means the participation of lower court judges in electing their peers to chief positions in the court system, as well as establishing a limited mandate to higher court judges.

Democracia brasileira: fortalecimento da participação popular

A democracia tem representado ao longo da História o mais perfeito mecanismo político de convivência social, encontrando na soberania popular seu fundamento e legitimidade. De berço grego, instituiu-se sob princípios que radicavam o poder político no povo, exercido diretamente na ágora ateniense. O iluminismo dos séculos XVII e XVIII reacendeu o ideal democrático, encontrando no positivismo sua base teórica. O poder passou a ser exercido por via de representantes eleitos periodicamente. O locus da atividade política era o parlamento, ambiente fechado e refratário à participação popular, cingida, à época, ao voto do cidadão nos períodos eleitorais. O distanciamento entre governantes e governados gerou déficit de legitimidade no modelo liberal clássico, levando o constitucionalismo do século XX a abandonar o rigor formal positivista, para adotar uma nova hermenêutica, de base axiológica e centrada na participação direta do povo nas instâncias do poder. A Constituição Federal de 1988 compendiou a democracia participativa em seu texto, declarando no parágrafo único, de seu artigo 1º, que todo o poder emana do povo. Consagrou como base da soberania popular o sufrágio universal, o voto direto, secreto e de igual valor, além do plebiscito, do referendo e da iniciativa popular de leis. Garantiu ainda a ação popular como ferramenta de cidadania. A participação popular foi restringida com o advento da Lei nº 9.907/98, que impôs bloqueios processuais para seu exercício, gerando déficit de legitimidade no sistema representativo brasileiro. O propósito desse trabalho é demonstrar a necessidade de se estabelecer um novo espaço público na ordem constitucional do Brasil, de textura aberta e dialógica e de perspectiva emancipatória, que customize a participação do povo nas instâncias do poder, a partir da desburocratização dos instrumentos de soberania popular já existentes e da adoção de outros institutos democráticos semidireto, notadamente a iniciativa popular de emenda à Constituição, a revogação de mandato eletivo e o veto popular

Relações internacionais: o comércio exterior do Brasil e Rio Grande do Norte no período de 1999 a 2008

The period post-war promoted several changes in relations economic, political and social world. Since then, a new division international of labor has delineated, with the great growth of Asian countries. In the field of international relations, the world still appears to transition is not completed because the old institutions were not replaced by new ones and the power of the United States as a major capitalist country remains unshaken, even with the emergence and strengthening of new economic global blocs. With globalization, Brazil emerges with more intensity in the face of new issues global, although its share in transactions trade global hasn‟t changed accordingly. In this sense, the objective of this dissertation is to examine, in a descriptive and critical the development of international relations and trade of Brazil and Rio Grande do Norte with the main blocs in the world from 1999 to 2008. As a secondary objective: to identify the assumptions theoretical that underpinned the decisions governments of the FHC and Lula, in particular, the interference of these terms in international relations and foreign trade. Adopted as the procedure methodological the literature review of the subject, as well as collection and processing of the data of foreign trade. During the Cardoso government has undergone the substantial growth in imports, as part of the economic policy of anti-inflationary, generating large deficits trade. From the first to the second term, with the inflection of exchange rate policy the country has resumed surpluses trade. The choice of government of the autonomy participation increased the relative share of the traditional blocks in total foreign trade and reduced the share of MERCOSUL. In the Lula government, there is the maintenance of some elements of the economic policy of the previous government and the partial shift in the conduct of foreign policy, with the option of autonomy through diversification, raising its stake on the blocks and other emerging countries in total foreign trade Brazilian and reducing the contribution of the traditional blocks such as NAFTA and the European Union. A trend observed in the previous government and deepened in the Lula government was the growth in commodity exports and the decline of manufactured products, confirming the model of conservative insertion of Brazilian exports. The Rio Grande do Norte followed the trend Brazilian in the growth of foreign trade, including in participating conservative, given that the products exported by the state are basically coming from horticulture irrigated and agribusiness. However, in the aspect of destination export, the state followed trajectory distinct from that in the Lula government, with the deepening of trade relations with traditional blocks, especially with the European Union and NAFTA

Representações discursivas no discurso político. Não me fiz sigla e legenda por acaso : o discurso de renúncia do senador Antonio Carlos Magalhães (30/05/2001)

O objetivo deste trabalho é investigar como as representações discursivas do locutor e dos alocutários são construídas no discurso de renúncia ao mandato de senador, proferido por Antonio Carlos Magalhães (ACM), na 62ª sessão deliberativa ordinária, em 30/5/2001. A perspectiva teórica que adotamos situa-se no campo da Linguística do Texto, com foco na abordagem da Análise Textual dos Discursos ATD (Adam, 2011). A noção de representação discursiva apresentada pela ATD constitui um dos aspectos da dimensão semântica do texto e baseia-se parcialmente nos trabalhos de Grize sobre a esquematização (1990, 1996). Complementamos as categorias de análise com contribuições que nos permitem detalhar a expressão linguística, textual, e discursiva das representações discursivas (Neves, 2006; Castilho 2010; Rodrigues, Passeggi, Silva Neto, 2010; Rodrigues et al. 2012; Passeggi, 2012). O enfoque metodológico é qualitativo, descritivo e interpretativista (Minayo, 1994; Trivinõs; 1987; Gil, 2002). Os procedimentos de análise utilizam as categorias semânticas de referenciação, predicação, modificação (de referentes e predicações), localização espacial e temporal, conexão e comparação. A representação discursiva do locutor (ACM) é constituída pelo conjunto de representações mais específicas, expressas nas referenciações e nas suas modificações: vítima; político; sigla; baiano, nordestino; presidente do senado; senador confiante; condenado. ACM, como protagonista, assume sempre a sua voz no discurso, manifesta seus pontos de vista e posiciona-se como sujeito ativo, consciente da importância do seu papel político e social, que o torna alvo e vítima das ações dos adversários. Complementando essa referenciação, as predicações e suas modificações se expressam através de verbos de ação, em especial, verbos na 1ª pessoa do singular que marcam o tempo presente, real e conclusivo de ações que constroem um cenário positivo para si mesmo. A localização temporal e espacial, indica as ações realizadas pelos participantes nas diversas etapas temporais selecionadas pelo texto, articuladas a três espaços principais: o Senado Federal, o Brasil e, naturalmente, a Bahia. Por sua vez, conectores adversativos (sobretudo, mas ), explicativos e condicionais acompanham e estruturam o ritmo argumentativo do discurso de renúncia de ACM

A falta de ética e de espírito público na política brasileira

Unfortunately, the Brazilian politics has been characterized by lack of ethics. In a few exceptions, our representatives often behave in the exercise of power as if they were there to care for their own interests and not public affairs. Despite the dissatisfaction that the situation seems to trigger to society, the electorate does not get to transform their anger into effective gesture in order to withdraw from the public setting people who can not fulfill their mandate at the polls. Instead, the re-election of bad politicians has become commonplace fact. In this study, we proposed to discuss the matter in light of traditional philosophical theories, by selecting exponents of ethical thought from the Ancient Period to the Modern. We put special emphasis on behalf of amorality in Florentine thinker's ideas, to Machiavelli s political doctrine.