The trajectory of social housing policy in Brazil: From the National Housing Bank to the Ministry of the Cities

This paper discusses social housing policy in Brazil since the 1990s by analyzing government programs’ institutional arrangements, their sources of revenues and the formatting of related financial systems. The conclusion suggests that all these arrangements have not constituted a comprehensive housing policy with the clear aim of serving to enhance housing conditions in the country. Housing ‘policies’ since the 1990s – as proposed by Fernando Collor de Mello, Itamar Franco, Fernando Henrique Cardoso and ´ Luis Inacio Lula da Silva’s governments (in the latter case, despite much progress towards subsidized investment programs) – have sought to consolidate financial instruments in line with global markets, restructuring the way private interests operate within the system, a necessary however incomplete course of action. Different from rhetoric, this has resulted in failure as the more fundamental social results for the poor have not yet been achieved.

Cooperação e competição entre políticas no Brasil: os cursos da governabilidade no presidencialismo da catalização

Public policies have been studied in the various fields of humanities and social sciences, from different theoretical and technical aspects. However, there is still a lack of studies that incorporate the dimension that encompasses the political action and its interference in such actions, also recognizing the importance of the institutional setting of the Brazilian presidential model in implementing these policies. This fragmented and multiparty system has led to power heterogeneous sets of political parties. Thus, the ministerial offices, more than assisting the President´s government project, manage particularized agendas, which are party biased and have the influence of interest groups in hegemonic themes addressed by government agencies. When these agendas operate in sectoral and specialized policies, the friction level is apparently low. However, when this occurs in intersectoral actions, such as in regional development, there is evidence of strong signs of competition among government agencies, which in theory, should operate in an integrated manner. Although this is not a specific feature of Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva´s government- the period to be studied- there was similar behavior in Fernando Henrique Cardoso´s presidency, one realizes that the expansion of coalition on behalf of governance is increasingly interfering in the outcome of intersectoral public policies, due to these multiple arguments in action. In order to understand these processes, this study focused on the Sustainable and Integrated Development Programme for Differentiated Meso-Regions (PROMESO), part of the National Policy for Regional Development (NPRD). The program provides interface with various government agencies and their public policies in a clear intersectoral design. The research sought to identify and analyze the relationships between government agencies and their programs with interest groups, whether political parties or other segments of civil society, highlighting the logic of favoritism, which poses in second place the integration of actions in the intersectoral policies. Therefore, besides the theoretical debate that incorporates several categories of political science, public administration, public policy, geography and economics, the study focused on secondary sources, using different government agencies databases in order to raise information. It was observed that the interference of partisan politics has been disastrous for some public policies. Thus, the research confirms that cooperative character is fragile within government agencies, often limited to official documents, and that there is indeed, a striking feature of competition, especially when it comes to transversalized policies

Folha de São Paulo: o diário oficial do grande irmão

This project wants to analyze the newspaper like a collective organic intellectual thing, and its action like a conservator integral journalism, it makes it looks like a politics block. In this case, the newspaper inserts itself in a process to support the dominated fundamental class. In the same time, it searches to disqualify politically, using the news and the opinion, the sprouting of against-hegemony even untimely and distant in the historical time. Facing this proposal we take as study object the FOLHA DE S. PAULO, nowadays the most representative agency of the great conservative press. Our theoretical reference takes as base the Gramsci organic intellectual formularizations, hegemony, position´s war, integral journalism and private device of hegemony. We allow ourselves, in a subsidiary way to the Gramsci basement, using the novel 1984 written by George Orwell, as a method to explicit, in a comparative way, the manipulation of the reality by the newspaper in its activity of collective organic intellectual. The ideology is the heuristic connection point to make convergence between reality and fiction. For the intended evidences we develop analysis of the daily covering about two great accidents occurred in 2007: The landslide of part of the workmanships of the tunnel of the Companhia do Metropolitano de São Paulo-Metrô (line yellow 4). And the flying disaster involving the airbus of Transportes Aéreos Meridionais-TAM, flight 3054, also in that state. In the first accident we find endorsement of the newspaper to the São Paulo´s government, in the person of the politician actor José Serra (PSDB), representative of the conservative forces and responsible for the workmanships of the Subway, to who it tried to distance politically of the fact. In the second event, the opposition to the politician actor Luis Inácio Luis Lula da Silva and his politics block, the PT, as a possibility against-hegemonic contested, being the mentioned actor appointed as responsible for the occurrence. However, the newspaper says that it is independent and direct, and this direct action comes from the environment. In this environment, the diversity of conceptions of world would guide the publishing work, making the FOLHA DE S. PAULO to take it as a reference for the intended objective, hiding the politics block militancy

Quatro vezes Lula-lá A imagem pública de Lula no horário eleitoral nas quatro campanhas presidenciais

Descreve-se aqui a formação da Imagem Pública de Luis Inácio Lula da Silva através do Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral, nas quatro eleições presidenciais que marcaram o período de democratização do País: 1989, 1994, 1998 e 2002. O fato de um candidato contrário às elites, três vezes derrotado em eleições anteriores, conseguir convencer através da mídia a elegê-lo eleitores que votavam antes em seus adversários, demonstra que a democracia representativa brasileira é institucionalmente compatível com regime de informação imposto pelos meios de comunicação de massa na sociedade atual? Além de comprovar a preponderância da Imagem Pública em processos eleitorais em que o Cenário de Representação da Política se caracteriza pela imprevisibilidade, a pesquisa constatou ainda que a atual luta política, mais que uma luta meramente pela visibilidade imposta pela TV e pelos meios de comunicação em geral ainda é uma disputa política. E que a mídia enquadra a política, mas também é por ela agendada, principalmente em momentos de grande incerteza política e/ou pouca previsibilidade eleitoral

The trajectory of social housing policy in Brazil: From the National Housing Bank to the Ministry of the Cities

This paper discusses social housing policy in Brazil since the 1990s by analyzing government programs’ institutional arrangements, their sources of revenues and the formatting of related financial systems. The conclusion suggests that all these arrangements have not constituted a comprehensive housing policy with the clear aim of serving to enhance housing conditions in the country. Housing ‘policies’ since the 1990s – as proposed by Fernando Collor de Mello, Itamar Franco, Fernando Henrique Cardoso and ´ Luis Inacio Lula da Silva’s governments (in the latter case, despite much progress towards subsidized investment programs) – have sought to consolidate financial instruments in line with global markets, restructuring the way private interests operate within the system, a necessary however incomplete course of action. Different from rhetoric, this has resulted in failure as the more fundamental social results for the poor have not yet been achieved.

Cooperação e competição entre políticas no Brasil: os custos da governabilidade no presidencialismo de coalizão

Public policies have been studied in the various fields of humanities and social sciences, from different theoretical and technical aspects. However, there is still a lack of studies that incorporate the dimension that encompasses the political action and its interference in such actions, also recognizing the importance of the institutional setting of the Brazilian presidential model in implementing these policies. This fragmented and multiparty system has led to power heterogeneous sets of political parties. Thus, the ministerial offices, more than assisting the President´s government project, manage particularized agendas, which are party biased and have the influence of interest groups in hegemonic themes addressed by government agencies. When these agendas operate in sectoral and specialized policies, the friction level is apparently low. However, when this occurs in intersectoral actions, such as in regional development, there is evidence of strong signs of competition among government agencies, which in theory, should operate in an integrated manner. Although this is not a specific feature of Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva´s government- the period to be studied- there was similar behavior in Fernando Henrique Cardoso´s presidency, one realizes that the expansion of coalition on behalf of governance is increasingly interfering in the outcome of intersectoral public policies, due to these multiple arguments in action. In order to understand these processes, this study focused on the Sustainable and Integrated Development Programme for Differentiated Meso-Regions (PROMESO), part of the National Policy for Regional Development (NPRD). The program provides interface with various government agencies and their public policies in a clear intersectoral design. The research sought to identify and analyze the relationships between government agencies and their programs with interest groups, whether political parties or other segments of civil society, highlighting the logic of favoritism, which poses in second place the integration of actions in the intersectoral policies. Therefore, besides the theoretical debate that incorporates several categories of political science, public administration, public policy, geography and economics, the study focused on secondary sources, using different government agencies databases in order to raise information. It was observed that the interference of partisan politics has been disastrous for some public policies. Thus, the research confirms that cooperative character is fragile within government agencies, often limited to official documents, and that there is indeed, a striking feature of competition, especially when it comes to transversalized policies

A política de assistência estudantil no contexto de expansão do ensino superior: as particularidades do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Serviço Social da UFRN

A dissertação versa sobre a Política de Assistência Estudantil e o processo de luta pela democratização do acesso à universidade, no contexto de expansão do ensino superior em tempos de crise estrutural do capital. Apresenta como unidade de análise as particularidades da pós-graduação em Serviço Social da UFRN e tem como objetivo principal apreender e analisar as condições de permanência disponibilizadas pela UFRN aos discentes de pós-graduação no contexto de expansão do Ensino Superior. O percurso teórico-metodológico de análise adotado na pesquisa se fundamentou numa perspectiva crítica do objeto de estudo a partir de uma concepção de totalidade, que pressupõe apreender as determinações socioeconômicas e políticas que incidem sobre a política de ensino superior e as condições de vida dos discentes do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Serviço Social (PPGSS). As análises fundamentaram-se em pesquisa bibliográfica como base teórico-metodológica da investigação, articulada com as reflexões que resultaram dos dados empíricos da pesquisa de campo na perspectiva de apreensão do objeto, em sua densidade histórica e num quadro de múltiplas determinações. Do ponto de vista metodológico foram entrevistados 26 discentes e realizada análise documental referentes a leis e documentos da política educacional em nível federal e dos organismos internacionais. A luta por ampliação do acesso à universidade está na agenda dos movimentos sociais no âmbito da educação, no entanto na conjuntura dos governos de Luis Inácio Lula da Silva (2003 a 2010) e Dilma Rousseff (2011 a 2012) a tendência tem sido seguir as orientações dos organismos internacionais e promover expansão de vagas sem assegurar estratégias de permanência compatíveis com as exigências de excelência acadêmica postas, por exemplo, na pós-graduação. Discentes entrevistados acessam o ensino superior e os cursos de pós-graduação e vivenciam dificuldades diárias para atender com qualidade às exigências acadêmicas em face de suas condições materiais de vida e de trabalho e dos limites da política de assistência estudantil que tem um perfil de programas e ações localizadas

Traduzindo o economês: metáforas da inflação em textos de jornalismo econômico

The research aimed two objectives: 1st) identifying and describing the metaphors of the inflation, in a corpus of 18 texts of economic journalism, from Joelmir Beting, written in the last trimester of 2002, at the moment of the government s transition of president Fernando Henrique Cardoso to Luiz Inácio Lula Da Silva. 2nd) verifying the recognition of the metaphors by the students of the basic education of a private school from Natal. 91 metaphors had been identified, analyzed in the perspective of the conceptual metaphor s theory, by Lakoff and Johnson (2002), on the basis of the distinction between conceptual metaphor and metaphoric expressions, and between domain-source/domain-target. 10 underlying conceptual metaphors had been inferred, being that the domains-source used more frequently to characterize the inflation had been those ones according to the human being and the animals and, of a less imaginable form, to the ways of transport (car, aircraft). These general conceptual metaphors had been unfolded in other s more specific ones ( animal specifying itself in lion , dragon , dog , etc.). Another result was the identification of metaphoric expressions with two or more meanings , with relation to more than one conceptual metaphor or explicit, in the same expression, two domains-source (for example: armored dragon ) and contributes, of a relevant form, for the semantic struturation of the text. The understanding of the metaphors was verified through an activity of domains-source s identification (10 metaphoric statements and fulfilling of the gap in the phrase the inflation is a/an ) applied in a group of 8th year of the basic education (12-13 years old, with 14 girls and 17 boys) from a school of good social and economic positions from Natal-RN. There weren t great difficulties on the part of the students in recognizing the domains-source involved: about 80% to the great majority of the statements

Traduzindo o economês: metáforas da inflação em textos de jornalismo econômico

The research aimed two objectives: 1st) identifying and describing the metaphors of the inflation, in a corpus of 18 texts of economic journalism, from Joelmir Beting, written in the last trimester of 2002, at the moment of the government s transition of president Fernando Henrique Cardoso to Luiz Inácio Lula Da Silva. 2nd) verifying the recognition of the metaphors by the students of the basic education of a private school from Natal. 91 metaphors had been identified, analyzed in the perspective of the conceptual metaphor s theory, by Lakoff and Johnson (2002), on the basis of the distinction between conceptual metaphor and metaphoric expressions, and between domain-source/domain-target. 10 underlying conceptual metaphors had been inferred, being that the domains-source used more frequently to characterize the inflation had been those ones according to the human being and the animals and, of a less imaginable form, to the ways of transport (car, aircraft). These general conceptual metaphors had been unfolded in other s more specific ones ( animal specifying itself in lion , dragon , dog , etc.). Another result was the identification of metaphoric expressions with two or more meanings , with relation to more than one conceptual metaphor or explicit, in the same expression, two domains-source (for example: armored dragon ) and contributes, of a relevant form, for the semantic struturation of the text. The understanding of the metaphors was verified through an activity of domains-source s identification (10 metaphoric statements and fulfilling of the gap in the phrase the inflation is a/an ) applied in a group of 8th year of the basic education (12-13 years old, with 14 girls and 17 boys) from a school of good social and economic positions from Natal-RN. There weren t great difficulties on the part of the students in recognizing the domains-source involved: about 80% to the great majority of the statements

Política de regularização de terras quilombolas: identidades e territorialidades negras em Portalegre - RN

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior

Representações discursivas de Lula nas capas das revistas Época e Veja

This doctoral dissertation proposes to analyze the discursive representations of Lula, as they appear on the covers of the magazines, Época and Veja, targeting the verbo visual elements that comprise the genre, magazine covers. In this way, we seek to describe and interpret the discursive representations (Drs), using a theoretical framework based on the Textual Discourse Analysis –TDA, developed by Jean Michel Adam (2011a), focusing on the semantic level of the text, that is, on the dimension that allows for the comprehension of Drs present in a text. For a discussion about the Drs and their categories of analysis referencing, predication, modification, relation and spatial localization and time we use as a starting point, the study by Brize about the logical discursive operations (1990, 1996), and continue through the studies that discuss linguistic, textual, and discursive operations in concrete utterances, such as Castilho (2010), Rodrigues; Passeggi; Silva Neto (2010), Neves (2011), Rodrigues et al. (2012), Passeggi (2001; 2012), Queiroz (2013), among others. In addition, we rely on Multimodal Discourse for the verbo visual aspects present on magazine covers (KRESS; van LEEUWEN, 2006; DIONISIO, 2011; DIONISIO; VASCONCELOS, 2013). Using aresearch approach that is qualitative with quantitative support, and which is documental, and based on deductive inductive methods, we describe and interpret a corpus (SEVERINO, 2007; CHIZZOTTI, 2010; OLIVEIRA, M., 2013), aiming to reconstruct Lula’s Drs. The cor pusis comprised of forty one magazine covers sixteen from Época and twenty four from Veja. The covers date from the election period in which the candidate, Lula, was elected President of Brazil in 2002, the last mandate after his reelection in 2006, and in the year 2010 a period of 9 years. Based on the analysis carried out, we can affirm that the magazines, Época and Veja, construct diverse Drs by Lula, such as: candidate; elected candidate; governing member and member of a political party; reelected president; politics; workers party acronym PT; international governments as allies; accomplices and participants in scandals of corruption; friend, brother, cousin, nephew, father, parent and man; among others that unfold throughout these by the mediation of the modifiers of the referents and processes, and by the very processes and connections, and analogies made on the object of discourse, Lula. Nonetheless, the reconstruction of these is derived from the description and interpretation of the textual linguistic and discursive choices that the magazines make to produce the proposition utterances, as well as by the choices of images and other visual resources, all operating as co(n)textually articulated to produce the magazine’s desired effect. In conclusion, the Drs verified demand the reflection, description and interpretation of the referencing, prediction, the relationship and spatial temporal localization, which was only possible through the textual discursive analysis of the verbo visual arrangements that comprise texts in the genre magazine cover.

Relações internacionais: o comércio exterior do Brasil e Rio Grande do Norte no período de 1999 a 2008

The period post-war promoted several changes in relations economic, political and social world. Since then, a new division international of labor has delineated, with the great growth of Asian countries. In the field of international relations, the world still appears to transition is not completed because the old institutions were not replaced by new ones and the power of the United States as a major capitalist country remains unshaken, even with the emergence and strengthening of new economic global blocs. With globalization, Brazil emerges with more intensity in the face of new issues global, although its share in transactions trade global hasn‟t changed accordingly. In this sense, the objective of this dissertation is to examine, in a descriptive and critical the development of international relations and trade of Brazil and Rio Grande do Norte with the main blocs in the world from 1999 to 2008. As a secondary objective: to identify the assumptions theoretical that underpinned the decisions governments of the FHC and Lula, in particular, the interference of these terms in international relations and foreign trade. Adopted as the procedure methodological the literature review of the subject, as well as collection and processing of the data of foreign trade. During the Cardoso government has undergone the substantial growth in imports, as part of the economic policy of anti-inflationary, generating large deficits trade. From the first to the second term, with the inflection of exchange rate policy the country has resumed surpluses trade. The choice of government of the autonomy participation increased the relative share of the traditional blocks in total foreign trade and reduced the share of MERCOSUL. In the Lula government, there is the maintenance of some elements of the economic policy of the previous government and the partial shift in the conduct of foreign policy, with the option of autonomy through diversification, raising its stake on the blocks and other emerging countries in total foreign trade Brazilian and reducing the contribution of the traditional blocks such as NAFTA and the European Union. A trend observed in the previous government and deepened in the Lula government was the growth in commodity exports and the decline of manufactured products, confirming the model of conservative insertion of Brazilian exports. The Rio Grande do Norte followed the trend Brazilian in the growth of foreign trade, including in participating conservative, given that the products exported by the state are basically coming from horticulture irrigated and agribusiness. However, in the aspect of destination export, the state followed trajectory distinct from that in the Lula government, with the deepening of trade relations with traditional blocks, especially with the European Union and NAFTA

Consumo familiar: efeitos da valorização do salário mínimo nas decisões de gasto das famílias brasileiras, nordestinas e potiguares, no período de 1995 a 2011

This research objectify to analyze the effects of minimum wage recovery in the household consumption in the Brazil, northeastern region of the Brazil and the state of the Rio Grande do Norte, in the period of 1995 to 2011. This is because the search for the strengthening of the internal market, via incentive policies to private demand has assumed prominence in the Government agenda. Thus, under the justification of the fierce debate about the effectiveness of countercyclical policies of Brazil, in view of the recent economic crisis, aims to: 1) retake the theoretical debate and, to a certain extent, the evolution of the theory of household consumption, as well as some conclusions about their connection with the minimum wage; 2) to describe the experiences and the effects of this legislation in economic history, with emphasis on the Brazilian case; 3) to present some of the available statistics to research bases, with attention to the specifics of each and the empirical results found for consumption in Brazil; 4) to estimate the effects of minimum wage variation in household consumption in Brazil (BR), northeast (NE) and Rio Grande do Norte (RN). From this, in order to quantify this relationship, makes inferences from the effects of the wage bill and the minimum wage on consumption, in quarterly series (with ad hoc adjustment from the "weights" of each quarter), from classic model of multiple linear regression. The hypothesis is that released: increments in income, derived from the policy of minimum wage recovery will influence directly the household consumption. However, when comparing the results between the units analyzed, the expressiveness of the northeastern families of Brazil and Rio Grande do Norte families front national dynamics with income linked to this floor, drives most significant impacts spending decisions in NE and RN, thus reducing regional disparities in the consumer. The results indicate contrary evidence, because while for the BR a unitary variation in minimum wage increases the consumption in units monetary 1.28, to the NE and RN these parameters are respectively 1.05 and 1.09

Representações sociais de discentes sobre universidade: um estudo psicossocial entre ingressantes do vestibular e da seleção ProUni

Demand for access to higher education to put in test the education Brazilian system in view of the surplus of selective processes of public universities, people without option to pay their studies at this education level. In this context, it has arisen the University for All(Universidade para Todos)Program, the ProUni, from Ministry of Education - MEC, created by the Federal Government in 2004, and that it aims the granting of full and partial scholarships in private higher education institutions, graduate courses in sequential specific training, low-income Brazilians students who do not have higher-level degree. Created by the Provisional Measure No 213/2004 and institutionalized by Law No. 11096 of January 13, 2005, the ProUni offers, however, the exemption of some taxes to those institutions that join the program. This is one of the privileged time for the study of Social Representations by offering the researcher, a living laboratory, natural environment, the confrontation between the established and new. In time like this people are challenged to incorporate the new system to the pre-existing one, aiming it through a strangeness of what was so familiar. It is through this game of social forces that we developed the present study with 196 entering higher education, of these are 116 of selective vestibular system and 80 of the ProUni selective system. We opt by the procedures for data collection in order to have access to the circulating senses, in addition to the streamlined responses. With foundation in Abric, we perform the test the Free Association of Words, then analysed by the software and by EVOC Content of the type theme as Bardin. Besides, we require of the subjects, a writing on the study object university later analysed by the software ALCESTE. The results point out to a representation strongly rooted in social factors such as more traditional socio-cultural elements: the beliefs, values, the symbols. It is unique in both groups of subjects: among those entering by the selective ProUni system, there was a stronger anchor in that it does not make inquiries about the program. At the same time, there is a stronger presence of objectivation, entering the selective vestibular system in order that they explained with a value judgement on the programme. It is suggested further studies considering the embryonic state of social representation, as recent as the social purpose that triggered. It would be relevant even the replication of the same research with other people in order to strengthen the power of the theorising of empiria available

Programa alfabetização solidária: um estudo sobre a experiência no município de Lagoa de Pedras/RN (1997 - 2003)

The educational reform of the 90 s was tainted by the objectives of the fiscal adjustments, resulting in the redefinition of the state s role in the financing and offering of teaching services, and bringing about a shuffling of the responsibility between the public and private sectors to promote education to young people and adults. The 90 s also highlighted the proliferation of providers and the multiplication of Educational Programs for Youths and Adults (EJA), implemented through partnerships between governmental and nongovernmental agencies. During this period of time, the agenda of educational responsibilities concerning analphabetism was organized in a process of decentralized of the state, with the following political, social, and economic objectives: to reduce the public deficit, increasing public savings and the financial capacity of the state to concentrate resources in areas considered indispensable to direct intervention; to increase the efficiency of the social services moffered or funded by the state, giving citizens more at a lower cost, and spreading services to more remote areas, expanding access to reach those most in need; to increase the participation of citizens in public management, stimulating communitarian acts as well as developing efforts towards the effective coordination of public figures in the implementation of associated social services. Thus, Assistance Programs co-financed by the government try to deal with the problem of analphabetism. Within the sphere of the 90 s educational policy decentralization, we come to see how the agenda dedicated to the reduction of analphabetism was formed by the Solidarity Alphabetization Program (PAS). Between 1997 and 2003, the latter agenda s decentralizing proposal was integrated in the management partnership for the operationalization of tasks and resources faced with the execution of the formal objectives. In this study, we identify the dimensions of the implantation and progress of the tasks carried out by PAS, in the municipality of Lagoa de Pedras/RN. However, we consider these Programs to assist in the process without guaranteeing the reduction of the causes or substituting the responsibility of the system once the monetary resources for program maintenance provided by the partners is exhausted