18 resultados para Liberalismo político
em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)
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Based on the definitions of Public Communication, Political Marketing, Public Interest Information and Communication as a Tool of Governance, the study notes the use of the news section of the websites of the City Christmas and Mossoro, Rio Grande do Norte, in regard to strengthening citizenship and encouraging participatory management, from the characterization of materials like pieces of Political Marketing and Public Communication. Data collection in qualitative research was conducted from August to September 2011 and content analysis showed that the appropriation of public property for personal use is a reality, despite legal requirements to the detriment of strategic communication and governance for results from the dissemination of information of public interest and the establishment of a communication channel between State Government and Society. Elements of this study suggest the need for further research to deepen the discussion
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This work aims at analyzing how Adam Smith, one of the founders of the liberal regime was seen by Roberto Campos, one of the patriarchs of Brazilian liberalism. In this sense, it will be shown how and why the legacy of Scotland was used to legitimize the new pattern of accumulation necessary to capitalism from the second half of the twentieth century on. So, it is the intention to make explicit that the changes in Campos discursive form are consistent with the requirements of capitalism in crisis and were fundamental in the creation of another common sense. To achieve these goals it will be assessed in what way the liberal rhetoric of the Brazilian, harmonized with foreign authors with the same vision, has become an important weapon to transform Smith into a myth in contrast to the political and economic criteria advocated by the same, but valuable to what Roberto Campos intended
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
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In this work we have analyzed the political commitment of the social assistance sponsored by the Bradesco Foundation in João Pessoa. This Foundation is a private institution of public interest that provides social assistance to low income populations all over Brazil. This kind of work is one of the oldest management initiatives in what is actually referred to as managers` social responsibility. This thesis assumes that managers who are in fact socially responsible should guide their actions by the principles of social democracy, so that everyone can enjoy citizens` social freedom, and guarantee their rights as well as the political awareness of social actors. Analysis of documents and a qualitative approach have been applied to the pedagogical Project of the Foundation, as well as phenomenology to study the social profile of their students. The analysis of the pedagogical project as well as the students` standpoint towards life reveals that the Bradesco Foundation is indeed committed to the social efficacy of its students. The educational proposal of the organization includes those elements that are required for teenagers` education envisaging participative citizenship. The teenagers` speech reveals that they have developed the project identity, being therefore able to take part in the process of political transformation of our time. The results indicate that the Bradesco Foundation not only guarantees some of the basic social rights for the healthy development of those who attend their courses, but also sponsors a high level education providing both a technical and a political formation
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This work is an attempt to show that the ideological conflict that has been developed by the hegemony of the 1930 Revolution historical events in Paraíba, conceptually turned into an insoluble social contradiction. It ocurred due to imaginary or formal resolutions of the literature that ended up by altering the epistemological rules of the relation between fiction and reality. The present work is based on The unconscious politics: a narrative as a socially symbolic act , book in which all the literary or cultural texts can and should be read as symbolic resolutions to insoluble social contradictions. From string to contemporary literature this phenomenon has been registered by the several ways of textual production turning the 1930 Revolution into one of the main elements which guides the political scene of Paraíba. The ideological groups still centered on the political resentment and committed to a political conflict forged the existence of two historical truths: one which suits the liberais , the winners, and another is of the 1930 conflict. This work argues in favour of the unconscious politics of the 1930 Revolution. This thesis considers necessarily the relation that the Paraibana society maintains with its past and how this past reaches in the present the liberation of a hidden and repressed truth through its narrativization. Beyond that, how the ideological partiality generated the political resentment through the way of thinking of the rivals under the perspective of the good and evil reveals its insoluble social contradiction. Process which comprehends varied narrative forms of the mass culture products and literary production, as in the methodological perspective pointed by Fredric Jameson that all literary or cultural texts can and shall be read as symbolic resolutions of true political and social contradictions. In the case of Paraiba we will have resolutions that search for the reasons which caused the death of João Pessoa: forgery and publicity of love letters, dispute over the official version of suicide commited by João Dantas, the man who assassinated João Pessoa
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This work seeks to examine the historical relationships established between liberalism and democracy, questioning the apparent inseparability between the two ideologies. Methodologically construct a hypothetical dialogue with the Italian thinker Norberto Bobbio, one of the most important systematizers of liberal democracy, defending a theoretical and conceptual complementarity between the two ideologies. Following the Bobbio theoretical propose, it presents the political contributions of classical liberalism that the Italian thinker identify as logical and axiological antecedent of the modern democracy, naturalizing and universalizing the principles and ideals of classical liberalism. Going counter, it problematizes the political contributions of classical liberalism, emphasizing the tension between liberal theory and its practice, between the declared political principles and their translation into concrete historical reality, reserving rights and freedoms to property minority and severe restrictions to the majority. The critical analysis of classical liberalism allows questioning the privilege position that Bobbio reserves to the liberalism in the democracy history, to restore the important contribution of illiberal politics currents in the civil, political and social rights history, advocating the democracy with its social character, inclusive and participatory
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
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In this research, we have found that, besides the literature in educational area presents the politic-pedagogical project as a pedagogical component that is able to promote changes in educational practices and to consolidate the school autonomy, some researches point to an opposite view-point, mainly due to the fact that these researches verify that several schools have elaborated their project just to comply with a formal exigency of the Brazilian educational reform implemented from the 1990 decade. Despite of the neoliberal and neoconservative forces (that guide this reform) understand the politic-pedagogical project as a way of stimulating scholar organizations, in order to put in practice the educational politics of this decade, we understand that this project can, in fact, promote changes in the scholar practices in the sense of overcoming the bureaucratic scholar culture historically developed in this environment. This research presumes that the process of planning, implementation and evaluation of school actions that is excited by the politic-pedagogical project can stimulate the subjects to develop practices, values, and senses, bypassing in some aspects the culture that is traditionally instituted in school, what will certainly favor the construction of its autonomy. The research that we have done in Professor Ascendino de Almeida Municipal School situated in the South Zone of Natal, RN, Brazil, was developed according to the following methodological procedures: document analysis, semi-structured interview, and participative observation. In the focused school we evidence that the politic-pedagogical project is a product of interpersonal and professional relations that are marked by shared powers, by dialogical action, by participation, and by equality, that (all of them) mediate decisional processes, what makes it possible the construction of common senses in order to guide the educative action. We yet evidence the existence, between the professionals that integrate this institution, of a culture for valuation of planning, of collective reflection, and of theoretical support, besides a commitment with the formation of the student with who they work, this making possible that the politic-pedagogical project constitutes in an orientation for the process of reflection, action, and evaluation of the school work. In these conditions, this project propitiates the consolidation of the school autonomy, what, in its turn, prints higher quality to the educative work developed in the institution
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In this dissertation, we investigate the process of elaboration of the Political-Pedagogical Project in the Municipal School Ascendino de Almeida , situated in the west zone of Natal city, in Rio Grande do Norte State, Brazil. We performed a qualitative research, using information provided by several sources as: interviews carried out in the Municipal Department of Education and also in the mentioned School, document analysis, and literature reviews, mainly with the objective of knowing more about the complexity of this particular reality. This was done in order to establish a mediation between the actual reality and the social, political, and economic context that surrounds it. We analyze the Political-Pedagogical Project according to the visions of Education theoreticians, under the political-normative plan, and also as a process of educational planning that can collaborate significantly for the introduction of changes in school Education. This instrument of the educative action, as a fruit of the participation of the school community, may constitute itself in an important learning instrument of the participation in the social sphere, demanding from the educators the development of complex abilities so that they can construct the Project. In the data analysis, we describe and analyze the process of elaboration of the Political-Pedagogical Project of the mentioned School. We also determine how participation of the school community was constructed as well as the consequences of this envolvement. We also discuss the abilities they needed to develop, the process of studies and dialogues that gave support to the whole process, and the democratic participation in the school decisions, including a dialogical interaction
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Ce projet présente dans son premier chapitre une étude historique-bibliographique basée sur la Pédagogie Freinet en France, ainsi que sa formation républicaine, ses courants politiques et idéologiques qui ont moulés l organisation sociale et éducationnelle de ce pays. Ce travail montre le rôle des courants de gauche dans ce processus, cela se reflète aussi sur le jeune Freinet. Les changements opérés dans la décennie de 1950 dans le système scolaire, dans le propre Mouvement Freinet et les ruptures qui ont eues à l intérieur de ce mouvement. Cela se termine avec les directions prises dans les dernières décennies, son arrivée au Brésil et les perspectives actuelles. Le deuxième chapitre aborde la reconstitution historique du Brésil dont sa phase coloniale et impériale. Les événements historiques de la IIIe, IVe et Ve République sont mis en relief avec ceux du Mouvement Freinet. La phase militaire imposée au Brésil et les luttes pour la reconquête de la démocratie. Il se termine avec les considérations sur la LDBEN 9394/96 et l implantation du Curso Normal Superior; un bref historique de la Pédagogie Freinet au Brésil, des thèmes importants travaillés dans le troisième chapitre. Dans ce chapitre une recherche qualitative est décrite basée dans l Etnographie Critique et Multiréférentiellel et aussi dans la Recherche-Action. Elle est développée auprès d un groupe de cinq professeurs des premières classes de l école primaire au collège, inscrites dans le Curso Normal Superior. Les données ont été obtenues à partir de rencontres régulières avec le groupe la médiation didactique , des entretiens, des questionnaires, des observations dans les salles de classe, du travail final du cours, nommé Mémorial de Formation. À travers l ensemble des données, on recherche les apports et l actualité d une proposition pédagogique historiquement firmée pour le développement de la praxis éducative
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This program resumes the history of the political-pedagogic actions on the Serviço de Assistência Rural SAR, of Natal archdiocese, and analyses the contributions of this actions on the process of rural workers organization in the social movements on the countryside. The educative actions of the RAS are happening in a permanent tension between the pedagogic project of a church in change and, a pedagogy of the groups, communities and social movements, that is centered in the cultural action, in the culture lived from its condition of citizens. This research reveals that this entity fulfilled a strategic attribution for the Natal s church on the formation of the community leaderships, at a first moment and leaderships for social movements. Before the military dictatorship, the work methodology of this entity had as priority, begin from the reality leaved by the rural workers in the expectation that these became to qualify themselves for a more citizen participation in the call development. During the military regime, the entity goes measuring theirs activities in the new context, until the moment that redefines the work line. Goes then defining regions and thematic of operation supporting the fights for land, salary campaigns, women agricultural workers organizations. The pedagogy of work has as one of its supporters the Paulo Freire s pedagogy, privileging the dialog as a source of production of knowledge from the reality leaved in a permanent transformation. The actions of this entity, with the groups and social movements, produces the necessary knowledge for the organization of the rural workers while individual and social subjects of a changing world. The process of action-reflection of the activities intended, by a creative form, a permanent production of strategies of fight of the workers. Research ever, not to make accommodate itself to the new knowledge acquired in the action-reflection it is part of the pedagogical idea of this Institution. One searched in this process of formation of the man and the woman to question the reality, to create actionreflection-action spaces on the fights for a possible transition of an ingenuous conscience for a critical conscience, in view of the transformation of the structures that oppresses them
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O objetivo deste trabalho é investigar como as representações discursivas do locutor e dos alocutários são construídas no discurso de renúncia ao mandato de senador, proferido por Antonio Carlos Magalhães (ACM), na 62ª sessão deliberativa ordinária, em 30/5/2001. A perspectiva teórica que adotamos situa-se no campo da Linguística do Texto, com foco na abordagem da Análise Textual dos Discursos ATD (Adam, 2011). A noção de representação discursiva apresentada pela ATD constitui um dos aspectos da dimensão semântica do texto e baseia-se parcialmente nos trabalhos de Grize sobre a esquematização (1990, 1996). Complementamos as categorias de análise com contribuições que nos permitem detalhar a expressão linguística, textual, e discursiva das representações discursivas (Neves, 2006; Castilho 2010; Rodrigues, Passeggi, Silva Neto, 2010; Rodrigues et al. 2012; Passeggi, 2012). O enfoque metodológico é qualitativo, descritivo e interpretativista (Minayo, 1994; Trivinõs; 1987; Gil, 2002). Os procedimentos de análise utilizam as categorias semânticas de referenciação, predicação, modificação (de referentes e predicações), localização espacial e temporal, conexão e comparação. A representação discursiva do locutor (ACM) é constituída pelo conjunto de representações mais específicas, expressas nas referenciações e nas suas modificações: vítima; político; sigla; baiano, nordestino; presidente do senado; senador confiante; condenado. ACM, como protagonista, assume sempre a sua voz no discurso, manifesta seus pontos de vista e posiciona-se como sujeito ativo, consciente da importância do seu papel político e social, que o torna alvo e vítima das ações dos adversários. Complementando essa referenciação, as predicações e suas modificações se expressam através de verbos de ação, em especial, verbos na 1ª pessoa do singular que marcam o tempo presente, real e conclusivo de ações que constroem um cenário positivo para si mesmo. A localização temporal e espacial, indica as ações realizadas pelos participantes nas diversas etapas temporais selecionadas pelo texto, articuladas a três espaços principais: o Senado Federal, o Brasil e, naturalmente, a Bahia. Por sua vez, conectores adversativos (sobretudo, mas ), explicativos e condicionais acompanham e estruturam o ritmo argumentativo do discurso de renúncia de ACM
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Starting from the premise that we live in the society of spectacle, as proclaimed by Guy Debbord, and, in this context, the media feeds itself off of this spectacularization and constructs a culture of images and production of goods, providing templates from which the subject can identify himself/herself as being male or female, successful or unsuccessful, powerful or powerless. In other words, the culture conveyed by the media produces material for the creation of identities through which individuals insert and recognize themselves in contemporary society. Observing the election campaigns, we can see clearly that this profusion of identities is fairly explored in the advertising propaganda used by the candidates, particularly in the propaganda broadcasted on the Free Electoral Time on TV. Instigated by the explicit relation between the media and politics within the society of the spectacle, this study aims to investigate the main identities that emerge in the discursive practices of the media in the election campaigns of 2010 for president of the Republic and governor of the State of Rio Grande do Norte that had as protagonists the candidates at that moment Dilma Rousseff (PT) for president and Rosalba Ciarline (DEM) for governor. To do so, we based ourselves on the theory of Bakhtin Circle, which considers the statement as a unit of verbal communication and conceives language as a dialogical phenomena and a discursive practice and also in the conceptions of dialogical relationships, social voices and chronotope formulated by the previous mentioned theory. Still in the theoretical field, we have established an interconnection with the theories coming from the Cultural Studies (Hall, Woodward) about the identity, which conceives it as multiple, fragmented, non-fixed, so that, the subject assumes different identities, not always coherent, at different times, depending on the context in which they are approached. The research is situated in the frames of Applied Linguistics, which considers language as the center of its studies and settles on the border of an open number of areas of knowledge expanding its possibilities of investigation by means of the interdisciplinary. Our corpus consists in 20 electoral propaganda videos aired on TV during the Free Election Time in 2010 campaign; among these, 14 videos are Dilma Rousseff s propaganda and 06 videos are Rosalba Ciarline s propaganda. We seek for the purpose of the analysis to identify the identities which emerge from the discourses about the candidates in propaganda videos broadcasted in the referred campaign, as well as realize the dialogical relations established in these discourses and even if the identity construction of these subjects is located in the same axiological axis. The corpus analysis revealed that the multiple cultural identities of the candidates campaigning emerge in the discourses circulating in the electoral propaganda aired on TV such as: the identities of pioneer woman, competent, sensitive, mother, grandmother, religious. And, yet, those are changeable as the electoral demands, in other words, the need to obtain support and votes, outline a fluid identity construction about the candidate to the position in question
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Este estudo busca esclarecer e discutir a reflexão de Hannah Arendt sobre a crise na educação no mundo contemporâneo enquanto crise político-filosófica da modernidade. Trata-se de explicitar de que forma o significado da educação está atrelado às condições de instituição, compartilhamento e conservação do mundo comum e humano. Com o intuito de reconstruir as análises da autora sobre os reflexos da crise político-filosófica da modernidade na esfera prépolítica da educação, esta pesquisa investiga de que modo o fim da tradição metafísica, o esfacelamento da autoridade, o obscurecimento da esfera pública e a moderna alienação do mundo promoveram uma profunda degradação das capacidades humanas de construir, conservar e compartilhar pela ação e pelo discurso um mundo que possa sobreviver e permanecer um lugar não mortal para seres que nascem e morrem. Palavras-chave: Hannah Arendt; Educação; Crise; Modernidade; Autoridade; Espaço Público.