25 resultados para Justiça Social
em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)
Resumo:
The purpose of this dissertation is to analyze the role of Public Powers in the enforcement of fundamental social rights, according to the principle of prohibition to social regression. The Federal Constitution of Brazil, situated in a position normative hierarchical superior, disciplines the legal and political process of the country, determining how Public Powers (Legislative, Executive and Judiciary) should act to enforce fundamental rights (social). Thus, features a cast of fundamental rights that aim to ensure social justice, highlighting the concern to ensure social values aimed at reducing social inequalities. The will of the state should be prevented by controlling the constitutionality of measures which restrict fundamental social rights, assuming the principle of human dignity, pillar of Social and Democratic State of Right, a dual role in the brazilian legal system, acting as the presupposition of jurisdictional control of the constitutionality of restrictive acts and as supervisory of omission or insufficient action of the State in the fulfillment of their fundamental duties. The constitutional determinations remove from the legislator the option to create or not the law that prints effectiveness to the social rights, as well as from the Executive the option of to execute or not rules directed at realization of the constitutional parameters, and Judiciary to behave or not in accordance with the Constitution, being given to the Powers only the arbitrariness of "how" to do, so that all functions performed by public actors to use the Constitution as a repository of the foundational values of the collectivity. Any situation that does not conform the principle of proportionality in relation to the enforcement of fundamental rights, especially the social, represents an unacceptable social regression unconstitutional. The constitutional rules and principles postulated by the realization of the rights, freedoms and guarantees of the human person, acting the principle of prohibition to social regression to regulate a concrete situation, whenever it is intended to change, reducing or deleting, the content of a social right. This paper of limit of state action serves to provide to the society legal security and protection of trust, ensuring the core of every social right. This should be effected to be sheltered the existential minimum, as a guarantee of the inviolability of human life, respecting the constitutional will, not falling into social regression
Resumo:
The civil liability of the distribution and retail fuel stems from the fact business activity developed to be high risk and can be said as risk inherent or latent danger that has predictability and normality characterized by placing the consumer in a position of vulnerability, such as the environment, both public policies defined and constitutional protection. Consumer protection as a fundamental right and the environment as the primacy of social order aims the welfare and social justice, as inserted right to the third dimension, are guarded by the State when it creates operational standards through public policies and indirectly intervenes in the economic order. This intervention is due to consumer protection and the environment are economic order principles, founded on free initiative and free competition, ensuring everyone a dignified existence which underlies the irradiation of fundamental rights in private initiative, before the commercial evaluation, mass consumption, the emergence of new technologies that link consumers to the environment before the protection of life, health and safety and ensuring a better quality of life for present and future generations. To repair this damage and the right to information are provided as fundamental rights that put the person at the epicenter of the relations and collective interest stands out against individual interests that to be done need public-private partnership. In such a way that the used methodology was an analysis of documents correlating them with bibliographic sources whose goals are to recognize the civil responsibility as limit to subjective right, having to develop a social function where guilt and risk grow distant and the damage is configured as a consequence of inherent risk, requiring the State interventional postures in fulfilling its public policy; prevailing in these risky activities the solidarity of those involved in the chain of production and socialization of damage forward those are provided directly of products of hazardous nature that put in a position of vulnerability the environment and the consumer
Resumo:
The inequalities that mark the women’s lives in societies around the world have been the subject of intense discussion by the feminist movement, with developments in questioning about possibilities of full citizenship. In this scenario the Brazilian feminist movement has achieved steadily, in recent decades, an effort to participate in the formulation of the public policy agenda, as well as the realization of demands to institutionalize the legal parameters as regulations for the issue of violence against women. On the grounds of social justice, many discourses are made with a focus on reframing the institutional role of the state in the areas of constitutional law and criminal law. Considering these discourses, proposals were reformulated and the action of the state was resized, what ended in the enactment of Law 11,340 / 2006 (Maria da Penha Law), with a great impact on the Brazilian criminal justice system. Taking this perspective as its starting point, this research is focused on understanding the struggles for access to the legal field regarding the implementation of the Maria da Penha Law. This qualitative and quantitative research analyses the way the social practices and social representations which involve activists of the feminist movement and operators from the justice system are established in Juazeiro/ BA and Petrolina/PE before the institutional reshuffles of the state. As a result, it was revealed that, despite inconsistencies in the performance of the criminal justice system, the positioning of feminist activism is grounded on the assumption.
Resumo:
From the end of the 80s, the Brazilian higher education experience strong growth, coming from the private sector, which would intensify further in the late 90th Higher education has become a lucrative business. With a drop in the number of students entering and strong competition, the number of idle places in private institutions of higher education reached 49.5% in 2004. That same year, by Measure, was the University for All Program (PROUNI) program, to include high school students from public higher education, offering scholarships to those students in private HEIs. In exchange, the IES gain tax exemption. The objective of this research is to investigate the game of interest occurred in the formulation of this program and identify the model and the political game and has led to the creation of PROUNI, analyzing the process occurred since the wording of a bill, the issue of Measure Law and that the legitimacy PROUNI, with the most important changes made initial model. Since the first draft of the Law to the final Act, the PROUNI was disfigured in its main points, as the percentage of stock for paying students, the process of selection of stock and bond of the IES program. Throughout the process of creating the program, it is quite clear the performance of the institutions representing the private higher education. As reference for the analysis was based on Rational Choice Theory of Political Science. The basic argument of the methods based on rational choice is the maximization of the benefit will be the main motivation of individuals, but they can give that your goals can be achieved more effectively through institutional action and thereby discover that their conduct is shaped by institutions. Thus, individuals rationally choose to get to a certain extent constrained to join in certain institutions, whether voluntarily or not. The PROUNI was submitted by government and public policy covered by the mystical aura of the discourse of social justice and economic development, as in higher education includes a stratum of people who would not have access to the university, due to restrictions in the supply network public higher education. However, the greatest benefit from the program are the private HEIs, which through a difficult time in a scenario marked by high competition and idleness of nearly half of the vacancies offered. The PROUNI became a program that prioritizes access and not the residence of the student to higher education. More serious than a supporting program for students Fellows is a program supporting the institutions of private education
Resumo:
This research refers to a comparative study of social policies from the cities of Natal (RN) and Belo Horizonte (MG). Understanding that the demands for social justice in contemporary societies require both economic redistribution, and cultural recognition, we set out to investigate, according to Nancy Fraser s formulations (1996, 2005a, 2005b, 2007), how these two municipalities incorporate these dimensions in their social programs.
Resumo:
El presente trabajo discute la Educación para la Ciudadanía en la Educación Superior, destacando los desafíos y las potencialidades de la Universidade do Estado do Rio Grande do Norte (UERN); que organiza su acción política y pedagógica conforme a las exigencias de la actual política educacional para este nivel de educación. Analiza la relación de ésta con la Educación Básica a partir del estudio del Proyecto Pedagógico del Curso de Ciencias Sociales discutiendo la educación para la ciudadanía y la formación ciudadana de los futuros profesores de la educación básica en consonancia con la LDB 9.394/96, con las Directrices Curriculares Nacionales para los cursos de Docencia y además para programas y políticas de orientación para la educación superior que resultaron de la conquistas de los movimientos sociales y que son propuestos por medio de las siguientes secretarías: Secretaria de Educação Continuada, Alfabetização e Diversidade (SECAD) y Secretaria de Educação Superior (SESu). La reflexión incluye el estudio de tales temáticas en el eje de temas emergentes que organizan el debate educacional, sobretodo en América Latina, y los desafíos de las universidades que actúan en el contexto de la periferia en la desconstrucción del dominio simbólico del colonialismo cultural y la construcción de la globalización alternativa y contra hegemónica a la globalización neoliberal. El estudio evidencia que la idea de ciudadanía en la sociabilización contemporánea presenta una ambigüedad política consecuente de los procesos de globalización creciente siendo necesario que la perspectiva de la educación para la ciudadanía adoptada en la formación de los profesionales de a educación sea re politizada a partir de la noción de ciudadanía colectiva y multicultural apoyada en los principios de democracia y justicia social, construida en las interfaces de la educación escolar y prácticas educativas en lo entorno social, y en los espacios políticos de organización y movilización colectiva en torno de las conquistas por los derechos civiles, sociales, políticos y culturales, y la inclusión de temas y valores emergentes en la educación que interligados e interdependientes, garanticen su efectividad
Resumo:
The freedom of concurrence, firstly conceived as a simple market fundament in productive systems that recognized the productive forces freedom of action, appears as a clear instrument of protection and fomentation of the market, recognizing the importance of the simultaneous existence of various economic forces such the proper capitalism reason of constitution. It has, thus, a directly role linked to the fundamental idea that the market and its productive forces needed of a protection against itself, because it exists inside the market situations and circumstances, provoked or not, that could prejudice and even annihilate the its existence and functioning, whilst a complex role of productive forces presents at all economic creation space. It was the primacy of the classic liberalism, the first phase of the capitalism. The Constitutions, in that historic moment, did not proclaim any interference at the economic scenario, simply because it recognized the existence of an economic freedom prepared to justify and guarantee the market forces, with its own rules. Based on the structural changes that occurred at the following historic moments, inside the constitutionally recognized capitalism, it was verified changes in the ambit of treatment of the freedom of concurrence principle that, in a progressive way, passes to present a configuration more concerned with socialist and developing ideas, as long as not only a market guarantee. It emerges a freedom of concurrence which aim is instrumental, in relation to its objectives and constitutional direction as a role, and not anymore stagnant and with isolated treatment, in special at the constitutional systems the present s clear aspects of social interventions and guarantor of fundamental rights more extensive and harmonious. That change is located at a space of state actuation much more ample and juridical important, this time comprehending the necessity of managing the productive scenario aiming to reach a national social and economic development effectively guarantor of fundamental rights for all citizens. Those Constitutions take as point of starting that the social and economic development, and not only anymore the economic growth, is the effective way for concretization of these rights. In that way it needs to be observed and crystallized by political and juridical tools that respect the ideological fundamental spirit of the Constitutional Charters. In that scenario that seeks for solutions of rights accomplishment, in special the social rights, the constitutional principle of freedom of concurrence has been seen as an instrument for reaching bigger values and directives, such as the social justice, which only can be real at a State that can implement a comprehensive and permanent social and economic development. The freedom of concurrence tries to valorize and defend something larger and consonant to the political values expressed in the Constitutional Charters with social character, which is the right to a social and economical sustainable development, guarantor of more clear and compromised collective benefits with social justice. The origin of that constitutional imposition is not only supported by vague orientations of the economic space, but as integrated to it, with basis formed of normative and principles posted and prepared to produce effects at the proper reason of the Constitution
Resumo:
The economic changes occurred in the 90s, with the restructuring and privatization of various sectors of the economy have led to a redefinition of the State role, assuming a position of regulator and supervisor of public services in place to direct its role as straight intervenor. It is through the regulatory agencies, autarchies with special legal personality under public law, that the Regulator State will act. In this context, the first objective of this research is to analyze the legality of easements imposed by entities of the Direct Administration and Regulatory Agencies, whose execution is delegated to legal persons of private law, being those public service companies or mixed-economy societies. This examination in question the limits of servitude as a restrictive institute of property rights, observing the principles of function, supremacy of the public interests over the private ones, legality and the separation of powers. Defend the property rights like a fundamental right and your insurance as determining factor of economic development and social justice. Use the procedure in use will be the historiccomparative procedure, in order to demonstrate the legality of the public act as a maximum attempt to preserve the balance between the expansion of public services in various sectors of the economy, and the preservation of property rights, through regulation
Resumo:
The Participatory Democracy is disseminated throughout the Principle of Popular Sovereignty. Since it spurs the participation of the people in the exercise of political power, it emerges as a conciliatory alternative to the Representative Regime - one of questionable legitimacy in account of the distortion it causes on the will of the public. It does so specially vis-à-vis the legislative, where the law is created. It s known that our Constitution (arts. 1º e 14, CF/88) provides for the means through which the members of the public may take part in the political process of the country, for it consecrates the plebiscite, the referendum and the popular initiative, all of them incipiently regulated by the Lei nº 9.709/98. It s our task, thus, to inquire, through deductive reasoning as well as the legal exegeses, the enforceability of the Popular Initiative as a means of popular emancipation, given that it enables the citizens to conscientiously participate in the public sphere. It has also an educational ethos which builds the capacity of individual to act, and, therefore, through thoughtful choices, enhance the legal system. Furthermore, the Lei da Ficha Limpa (LC nº 135/2010) surely represents a milestone in the Brazilian political history, since it accrued from a new way of social interaction allowed by the usage of communication technology on the pursuit of political morality. As a matter of fact, this bill is a clear example of how a legal act was legitimately proposed through Public Initiative. Hence, it s beneficial to actually make use of the Public Initiative, under the influence of the New Constitutional Hermeneutics, with a view to supporting social claims and promoting a dialogical relationship with the State in order to help it in the decisionmaking process. Thereat, we can achieve important civic spaces through which the fundamental right to democracy shall be materialized, tearing apart the old paradigms of inequality and, thus, promoting social justice
Resumo:
This research studies the argumentative process developed by the Basis Educational Movement (MEB), using as corpus the booklet Viver é lutar , and other lesson plans of the Educational Rural Radio from Natal. It has as objectives reveal the argumentative strategies in the discursive production of MEB, exploring the meaning effects suggested by its production conditions, and the ideological positions defended, in addition to this, verify how the booklet and the radio classes dialogued in the argumentation of their theses. So, the study is guided by the Discourse Analysis presuppositions, by the Argumentation Theory, by the conceptions of Popular Education, as well as the conception language dialogical language conception, recurring to Bakhtin (1995). The research adopts the documental characteristic of qualitative nature with an interpretative basis. The analysis of the data permitted us to confirm that the pedagogical didactic material discourse of MEB was produced in a social-historical-ideological context in what the education was seen as a social liberation instrument, being able to transform the Brazilian people and the Brazilian unequal structure. The results reveal that the booklet and the classes assume a position remarkably in favor of the popular classes, structured by the argumentative techniques that intended to convince, and to persuade the auditorium. Thus, the argument was based initially on the convincing of youths and of adults for, afterwards, to construct a persuasion to the learners, in terms of referring to act on the reality to transform it, according to their desires of social justice
Resumo:
Los cambios sociales y culturales que caracterizan el mundo contemporáneo sorprendieron estudiosos de todas las áreas. Los avances tecnológicos principalmente en el área de transmisión de informaciones revolucionaron las nociones de tiempo y espacio. Nuevos medios de comunicación, favorecidos principalmente por la llegada de Internet, abrieron espacios de expresión para ciudadanos deseosos de ser oídos. Aún coexistiendo con los medios de comunicación tradicionales, los nuevos espacios representan una oportunidad de libertad de expresión, de interacción sin mediaciones y de construcción de contenidos independientes. Movimientos sociales se organizan a través de estos nuevos medios de comunicación y desarrollan un activismo que comienza en forma virtual y se extiende a movilizaciones presenciales. Castells (2009) llama de auto comunicación de masas a ese proceso de producir y difundir informaciones que antes era propiedad exclusiva de los medios de comunicación tradicionales. Natal, fue escenario de la gestación y articulación virtual de un movimiento denominado Fora Micarla cuyo objetivo ha sido lograr el impeachment de la alcaldesa de la ciudad, Micarla de Souza. Aunque el objetivo principal no fue alcanzado, el movimiento formó parte de los procesos de cambio social que llevaron los ciudadanos al ciberactivismo. El Fora Micarla se constituye también como un cambio social en sí mismo al colaborar en la consolidación de la identidad colectiva de un grupo de jóvenes universitarios en busca de justicia social. El Twitter fue el principal canal de expresión del grupo y responsable por la rápida expansión de las movilizaciones. El Abordaje Sociológico y Comunicacional del Discurso (ASCD) ha aportado el marco teórico de referencia utilizado en esta investigación. La Comunicación para el Cambio Social (GUMUCIO, 2008) y la Sociología Aplicada al Cambio Social (SACO, 2006) así como los estudios del sujeto y de las identidades (BAJOIT, 2006) forman la base de la ASCD para un estudio más completo de las prácticas discursivas. Considerando que el objeto de estudio son las manifestaciones discursivas de los usuarios simpatizantes del Movimiento Fora Micarla , y que la ASCD es un brazo del Análisis Crítico del Discurso, se hace necesario un análisis lingüístico de los textos. La Gramática Sistémica Funcional, a través del Sistema de Evaluación desarrollado por Martin and White (2004), ofrece los recursos para evaluar las manifestaciones por medio de tuítes de los integrantes del movimiento. La representación de los actores sociales (VAN LEUWEEN, 1998) complementa el análisis discursivo crítico de la ASCD. El empoderamiento ciudadano se materializa por medio de los cambios conquistados a través de los nuevos medios
Resumo:
This dissertation seeks to reflect on the accessibility of the governmental program Minha Casa Minha Vida, track 1, which comprehends people who made 0 to 3 minimum wages within the metropolitan region of Natal RN between the years of 2009 and 2012. The research covers the municipalities benefited by the program: Ceará-Mirim, Extremoz, Macaíba, Monte Alegre, Natal, Nísia Floresta, Parnamirim and São Gonçalo do Amarante. We have investigated the extensions of PMCMV on the context of the access to the city, debating some concepts attached to the capitalist mode of production such as residential segregation and peripherization. We have aimed to identify the accessibility conditions in the new housing complexes from three primal categories, namely, the localization of the complexes, the disponibility of public equipments, services, leisure and cultural properties on the neighborhood and the offer of public transport. Our theorical references are based on the ideas of the british geographer David Harvey on his work Social Justice and the City , from 1980. Harvey s studies made us debate on the locational choice for the social-matter habitation, and also let us discuss the price to accessibility on these new programs and its implications on the income of those who are benefited by them, specially because this is about a low-income population. To the achievement of these objectives, we made use of case study, including desk research, photographic documentation, records of field observations and informal conversations with locals, composing a qualitative study. In light of what has been researched and considering the guiding research questions, we reflect on aspects of the program that can greatly influence the processes of residential segregation and housing periphery of the lowincome population from the precarious conditions of accessibility to the referred population
Resumo:
O objetivo deste trabalho é fazer uma proposta de intervenção na Controladoria Geral do Estado do Rio Grande do Norte, com o intuito de fortalecê-la, tendo como base a Emenda Constitucional nº 45/2009, que propõe a inserção das macrofunções do Controle Interno: Auditoria Governamental, Controladoria, Corregedoria, Ouvidoria e Carreiras Específicas para os órgãos de Controle Interno. Para dar suporte a proposta, foi feita uma revisão da literatura sobre controles públicos, controle interno governamental, macrofunções do controle interno e sobre carreiras públicas no Brasil. Para propor as mudanças foram realizados dois diagnósticos no órgão, por meio de entrevistas, e constatados problemas na área de gestão organizacional e de pessoal. Diante dos resultados apresentados por meio dos diagnósticos, foram propostas mudanças e feitas comparações entre a estrutura atual e a proposta, procurando evidenciar a vantagem da última sobre a primeira, em termos de eficiência operacional, economia de meio, economia de execução, amplitude no atendimento a população, proteção e combate à corrupção, fomento ao controle social, promoção da cidadania e justiça social
Resumo:
Equality as a principle and as a legal rule, integrates brazilian constitutional order since the Constitution of 1891, constituting the target always be sought, built and promoted by the state and society as a whole. Also e xs urgem for protection of equality and non - discrimination, declarations and international treaties, mostly ratified by Brazil. The international protection of human beings with intrinsic value began in the UN Declaration of 1948, which declared the equality of all men in rights and dignity, followed by more specific international documents, in a growing movement of ratification of international standards protection of human rights occurs after the atrocities during the Second World War. Within the Internation al Labour Organisation (ILO), the theme of equality and non - discrimination in employment relationships integrates one of its main conventions, to No. 111, ratified by Brazil since 1965, which aims to eliminate discrimination in respect of employment and oc cupation. In this context, lies the collective bargaining work, with her normative instruments arising from the collective agreement and the agreement recognized constitutionally and with full ability to create and establish standards and conditions for de tails of suitable work for each occupational category and economic having the unions the power and duty to use them as a means of effecting the postulates of equality and non - discrimination in employment relationships, filling gaps in state law and / or su pplementing it, molding them to existing events in the capital - job. Driven by greater freedom contained in the Constitution of 1988, trading, and with it, the private collective autonomy, in fact, have included the issue of equality and the right to differ ence between clauses created, scheduled to affirmative action and sealing exclusionary conduct, and reported some positive outcomes, such as greater diversity in work and training followed by admission of persons with disabilities environment. These attitu des of union entities and employers should be broadened because corroborate the fulfillment of constitutional requirements for compliance with the international declarations, adapting them to the reality of labor relations and contributing to the construct ion of equality in the pursuit of social justice with the recognition of the right to be different with respect to the inherent dignity of the human condition.
Resumo:
The currently main development model on global society is driven by an economic rationality that endangers the environment and social justice. More and more, attention to this way of production and consumption is increasing, boosting research for sustainable development, with an environmental rationality that can harmonize nature preservation and welfare of all socioeconomic classes. One of the efforts on this sense is changing the sources supplying the energy demand, replacing fossil fuels for renewable and cleaner sources, such as biofuels. Carthamus tinctorius (safflower) is an oilseed crop with potential for biodiesel production, with good oil yield and chemical profile, allied to good adaptation to climates such like the northeastern semiarid lands of Brazil. With public policies fomentation, the use of this species may be an interesting alternative for family farming. In farming in general, the use of pesticides to prevent and combat diseases and plagues is common, which is not a sustainable practice. Thus, there are researched alternative, less dangerous substances. In this study, it was aimed to assess if neem (Azadirachta indica) leaf extract (20% m/v) and Bordeaux mixture (copper sulfate) have effects on safflower. It was also aimed to verify acceptance of farmers on safflower crop in Apodi, a municipality in Rio Grande do Norte state, Brazil, in view of it being localized in the aimed region for this crop cultivation. Besides that, understanding that the farmers’ knowledge and inclination to adopt the crop is fundamental for the introduction of this species and socioeconomic growth due to its exploration. In addition, a booklet with basic information on safflower was produced. In the field experiment, the fungicides were pulverized on plants cultivated in field experimental plots, with collection of leaf samples for analysis on anatomy, cuticle, and epicuticular wax morphology, the protective layer that interfaces with the surrounding ambient. In Apodi, forty-five farmers from Potiguar Cooperative of Apiculture and Sustainable Rural Development (COOPAPI) underwent semi-structured interviews, which also addressed their assessment on currently cultivated crops and perception of pesticide uses and sustainable alternatives. After comparing using analysis of variance, it was found that there was no difference between treatments in the experiment, as well as no anatomical or morphological modifications. Safflower acceptation among farmers was wide, with 84% of interviewees believing in a perspective of good incomes. The current scenario, comprised of low crop diversity, fragile in face of droughts and plagues, can partially explain this opinion. The booklet was effective in catching people attention for the species potential. There was wide acknowledgement on the importance of alternative pesticides, justified by health security. Based on the assessed parameter in the results of this research, the treatments here utilized may be recommended as fungicides for safflower. Given the crop susceptibility to fungi in heavy rainy period, it is advised that its potential introduction on the region shall be focused on semiarid areas.