Conversações políticas no youtube: junho de 2013 e circulação de sentidos nos comentários do vídeo “globo e os protestos”

This re search analyzes the talks dynamics about policy established in YouTube symbolic space. We are interested in examining the way in which the commentators of the video " Globo e os Protestos " articulated in the field intended for comments, a public space directed to the dissemination and circulation of meanings about policy issues. The video studied was published by PC Siqueira and Diego Quint eiro , during the June 2013 protests in Br azil, to direct the political understanding of the movement lived in that period. According to them, the protests had left political position and therefore the protesters should reject the coverage by TV Globo (a comunication vehicle with ideals of right) and allow the participation of political parties linked to the ideological left spectrum. This narrative generated empathy and controversy betwe en commentators, which produced in the comments, an intense argumentative process about these theses (right and left). To understand the phenomenon, we conducted an exploratory qualitative research, the main methodological procedure was a ethnomethodological discourse analysis. We seek the observation of the ways in which the commentators es tablished talks about politics in the comments space, for, thereafter , organize categories of analysis based on identified discursive recurrences. The empirical reflections are supported from discussions about the YouTube potential, while digital media com prising massive strategies and while articulating space in the engagement of individuals in political issues; also confront the aspects involved in the conversation practices that results in sociability dynamics and , especially , in conflict, on the socio - t echnical networks; and finally, we propose a reflection about the circuit actuation in which the people take ownership and realize new readings about the products received. Concluding that the use of digital media , such as YouTube, has caused significant c hanges in the forms of production and reception of symbolic products and ways in which people participate in political issues concerning life in society.

Cooperação e competição entre políticas no Brasil: os cursos da governabilidade no presidencialismo da catalização

Public policies have been studied in the various fields of humanities and social sciences, from different theoretical and technical aspects. However, there is still a lack of studies that incorporate the dimension that encompasses the political action and its interference in such actions, also recognizing the importance of the institutional setting of the Brazilian presidential model in implementing these policies. This fragmented and multiparty system has led to power heterogeneous sets of political parties. Thus, the ministerial offices, more than assisting the President´s government project, manage particularized agendas, which are party biased and have the influence of interest groups in hegemonic themes addressed by government agencies. When these agendas operate in sectoral and specialized policies, the friction level is apparently low. However, when this occurs in intersectoral actions, such as in regional development, there is evidence of strong signs of competition among government agencies, which in theory, should operate in an integrated manner. Although this is not a specific feature of Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva´s government- the period to be studied- there was similar behavior in Fernando Henrique Cardoso´s presidency, one realizes that the expansion of coalition on behalf of governance is increasingly interfering in the outcome of intersectoral public policies, due to these multiple arguments in action. In order to understand these processes, this study focused on the Sustainable and Integrated Development Programme for Differentiated Meso-Regions (PROMESO), part of the National Policy for Regional Development (NPRD). The program provides interface with various government agencies and their public policies in a clear intersectoral design. The research sought to identify and analyze the relationships between government agencies and their programs with interest groups, whether political parties or other segments of civil society, highlighting the logic of favoritism, which poses in second place the integration of actions in the intersectoral policies. Therefore, besides the theoretical debate that incorporates several categories of political science, public administration, public policy, geography and economics, the study focused on secondary sources, using different government agencies databases in order to raise information. It was observed that the interference of partisan politics has been disastrous for some public policies. Thus, the research confirms that cooperative character is fragile within government agencies, often limited to official documents, and that there is indeed, a striking feature of competition, especially when it comes to transversalized policies

O processo de criação do programa Universidade para Todos - PROUNI

From the end of the 80s, the Brazilian higher education experience strong growth, coming from the private sector, which would intensify further in the late 90th Higher education has become a lucrative business. With a drop in the number of students entering and strong competition, the number of idle places in private institutions of higher education reached 49.5% in 2004. That same year, by Measure, was the University for All Program (PROUNI) program, to include high school students from public higher education, offering scholarships to those students in private HEIs. In exchange, the IES gain tax exemption. The objective of this research is to investigate the game of interest occurred in the formulation of this program and identify the model and the political game and has led to the creation of PROUNI, analyzing the process occurred since the wording of a bill, the issue of Measure Law and that the legitimacy PROUNI, with the most important changes made initial model. Since the first draft of the Law to the final Act, the PROUNI was disfigured in its main points, as the percentage of stock for paying students, the process of selection of stock and bond of the IES program. Throughout the process of creating the program, it is quite clear the performance of the institutions representing the private higher education. As reference for the analysis was based on Rational Choice Theory of Political Science. The basic argument of the methods based on rational choice is the maximization of the benefit will be the main motivation of individuals, but they can give that your goals can be achieved more effectively through institutional action and thereby discover that their conduct is shaped by institutions. Thus, individuals rationally choose to get to a certain extent constrained to join in certain institutions, whether voluntarily or not. The PROUNI was submitted by government and public policy covered by the mystical aura of the discourse of social justice and economic development, as in higher education includes a stratum of people who would not have access to the university, due to restrictions in the supply network public higher education. However, the greatest benefit from the program are the private HEIs, which through a difficult time in a scenario marked by high competition and idleness of nearly half of the vacancies offered. The PROUNI became a program that prioritizes access and not the residence of the student to higher education. More serious than a supporting program for students Fellows is a program supporting the institutions of private education

Eleições, pesquisas e estratégias de marketing: a campanha eleitoral de Micarla de Sousa em Natal (2008)

From the importance that the political science and the social sciences began to give the electoral programs on TV, were examined in that work academic the effects of research in electoral marketing strategies in Gratuitous Timetable of the Electoral Publicity of the marketing year the candidate Micarla de Sousa (PV) in 2008 for the prefecture of Natal. To analyze the marketing strategies of electoral candidate Micarla de Sousa were used three sources of data: the HGPE on the first part, The interview with the coordinator's marketing campaign of Micarla de Sousa, José Ivan and the quantitative research carried out by the Office IBOPE before and during the period of HGPE. In the analysis of electoral programs, was used the qualitative and quantitative approach, taking as objective to verify whether there was some change in marketing strategy in the candidate Micarla HGPE. So the electoral programs that candidate were transcribed and analyzed and then faced with the results of researches electoral IBOPE carried out in the same period. The interview with the coordinator's marketing campaign the candidate Micarla de Sousa brought relevant information on the construction of public image at the time pre-electoral and electoral. In search of IBOPE, socioeconomic variables were regarded assex, age, education and income. With the collection of this data, there was an intersection of information about the voting intentions of Micarla candidate for mayor of Natal and it was checked how his candidacy has increased or decreased within the surveyed segments and how these oscillations marketing strategies directed at the candidate's HGPE for any specific audience. Also, do not forget that the electoral process is influenced by various factors, because this process is dynamic

Rejeição e voto em eleição contemporânea: um estudo de caso da eleição à prefeitura do município de Natal/RN (2012)

Given the importance that political science and social sciences give studies of voting behavior, this study sought to fill this academic discussion another important element that makes up this complex set. From the campaign trail to City Christmas in 2012 work has been undertaken analysis of rejection in the first and second rounds of this election. For this analysis we used two sources of data: quantitative research, conducted by Search Consult the first and second rounds of elections, and the use of focus group technique, performed in the second round of elections. Knowing the various factors that may affect the voting decision, but also the dynamism that pervades a political dispute, seek, with this work, contribute to the deepening of the rejection of studies, aiming to bring subsidies presenting information to better explain the behavior studies election. The results showed that there is a less expressive, the chamda strong rejection. We speak of that rejection based on a political, historical and ideological. The reason for the weak presence of strong rejection seems to be little involvement of voters with politics and, consequently, low knowledge about politics and politicians. We observe, however, evidence of rejection volatile. We refer here to a kind of rejection that develops during the election process depending on the preference of the voter and according to the circumstances of the campaign. The data also lead us to conclude that television is as an instrument for the dissemination of ideas that can contribute in shaping the opinion of viewers. The role of political parties in representing the interests of the people have lost their strength in recent years. The data also show that, to the extent that increases the preference of voters in the electoral process, also increases its rejection

Alguns aspectos sobre o processo da democratização dos sistemas políticos no mundo árabe :Egito e Líbano como modelos de estudo

The World has tried diverse democratic waves at distinct moments. Some nations have adopted the idea of the democracy for years; others have not yet and other ones are still in a slow process of transition. The field of studies on the Arabian political systems has testified since the last quarter of 20th century a notorious development. This advance disclosed in the existence of a set of trends that has turned around a number of concepts and main theoretical frames such as the political pluralism and the democratic transition and the civil society and its relation with the State. The speech on the process of democratic transition consists in part in the capture and the analysis of the role of the forces and the organizations of the civil society in this process. The peculiarities of the Arab World excite questions concerning the establishment of one governmental system in this universe in the mold of that one that develops with hegemony in the Occident, which has become an interesting field of inquiries for the Political Science. This study comprises the analysis of some aspects of the political situation in the Arab World towards the process of democratization in which Egypt and Lebanon are models of study. Thus the theoretical basis of the term democracy is introduced, presenting different considerations about this expression, since the sprouting of the term until its current conception; later the civil society is analyzed as well as the systems of the political parties and the electoral systems of both countries in attempt to identify the level of democratization existing there and also to find the possible ways to magnify the democratic horizons

Ambiente institucional no crédito rural :avanços e retrocessos

This work aims to study the institucional environment for the implementation of financing policies directed to familiar agriculture. The central hypothesis is that, although all changes occured in the credit norms, in order to reduce the existing obstacles for the access of outsiders, the same institucional arrangement remains which gave support to the modernization - crystallizer of strengthening structures of this exclusion. The most relevant pressuposition is that the poor agriculturists are the most displayed to the institucional limitations. The concepts of institucional arrangements and environments used in this work had been constructed with support of the institucional school, contemplating itself the economic dimension, the organizational sociology and political science. In the relation of the institucional changes with the state performance, the theorist reading was important that reflect on the relative autonomy of the State and studious of the Brazilian State. The empirical part consisted of a research which had been applied questionnaires with benefited and non-benefited agriculturists with PRONAF B, in thirteen cities of Rio Grande do Norte. In each city, interviews with four of its main mediators had been carried out. The research results had ratified the hypothesis of the work of that the conception of the public policies does not take in account the institution role in the behavior and the choices of the individual and collective agents, inferring itself that this policy, as others, lacks of mediation that exceed the rationality of legal landmarks

A retórica em Aristóteles: da orientação das paixões ao aprimoramento da eupraxia

This research brings into focus the relationship between the work Rhetoric, from Aristotle, and the conceptions of ethics and practical wisdom of the philosopher from Stageira. Accordingly, it attempts to show that Aristotle's Rhetoric was produced to guide the construction and orientation of oratory passions of the Greek man, setting it as a reference for practices aimed at social ordering of the polis. In other words, the Aristotelian Rhetoric, designed by the author as the study of what is persuasive in every speech, is not composed with the meaning of persuasion at any cost, in another sense it is conceived by Aristotle as a useful knowledge for the improvement eupraxic (the good act in accordance with the fair and true). This research finds that such work has been prepared by Stagirite a time of strong social transformations and upheavals in ancient Greece: The skepticism expanded, with each person wanting to live their own businesses, and especially in Athens, a city that served as intellectual and political reference, there was a lack of collective spirit. In this tumultuous social environment, Aristotle, with a culture of Greeks eager Trusted reviews and socially shareable in the field of verisimilitude, sought with his Rhetoric, contributing to the development of ethics and political science; referrals for legal and organization of inter-social relations in varied environments, including seeking to provide knowledge about human passions and emotional status of active citizens in deliberative meetings

Efeito dos andrógenos na estabilização da preferência manual em machos adultos de sagui comum (Callithrix jacchus)

The role of steroids hormones on the behavior of vertebrates have been described as organizational and activational effects. These actions occur in different periods of the ontogenetic development as fetal, early post natal and during puberty (organizational effect) or modifying the expression of behavioral patterns during time life (activational effects). Studies on brain lateralization in hand use in human and non-human primates have shown that sexual hormones seems to participate in the process of handedness strength that begins in the puberal period and is stabilized at the adult age. The aim of this study was to investigate in adult male Callithrix jacchus if the strength of use of the hand in common marmoset adult male is stable (organizational effect) or androgens variations could affect its stability (activational effect). The preferential use of one hand in 14 common marmoset (Callithrix jacchus was studied in two contexts: (1) spontaneous holding food and directing the food to mouth (feeding episodes), and (2) forced reaching food tests where the animal have to reach the food through a hole within a cover plate with a central hole that allow the use of one hand only to reach the food. The records were made during 5 sessions/20 bouts each during baseline totalizing 100 episodes before two treatments. Firstly it was used GnRH antagonist: a single subcutaneous injection of 100µg de Cetrotide – acetate of cetrorrelix (Baxter Oncology GmbH, Germany) (n=10). Secondly, a single GnRH injection of 0.2mg of GnRH (Sigma – Aldrich) (n= 8) was used. After injections 20 successful attempts of hand use episodes was recorded in the 1st , 2 nd, 7th, 15th and 30 th days, totalizing in the whole period 100 episodes for each context, after both treatments. Fecal sampling to measure extracted fecal androgens was performed in all days of data collection across the length of the basal and during the experimental periods. Statistical analysis by mixed model, Tukey test to compare mean values after the two treatments, and Levene test to compare mean variance were used, all for p-value < 0.05. In basal phase 6 animals used preferentially the right hand, 5 the left and 3 were ambidextrous. Mean handedness index in basal phase were different from that after both treatment starting at 7th day. Mean variance of handedness index for spontaneous and forced activities does not differs before and after both treatments but the mean values for GnRH index were higher than that observed for its antagonist. These findings suggested that androgens have an activational effect on handedness in adult male C. jacchus

Cooperação e competição entre políticas no Brasil: os custos da governabilidade no presidencialismo de coalizão

Public policies have been studied in the various fields of humanities and social sciences, from different theoretical and technical aspects. However, there is still a lack of studies that incorporate the dimension that encompasses the political action and its interference in such actions, also recognizing the importance of the institutional setting of the Brazilian presidential model in implementing these policies. This fragmented and multiparty system has led to power heterogeneous sets of political parties. Thus, the ministerial offices, more than assisting the President´s government project, manage particularized agendas, which are party biased and have the influence of interest groups in hegemonic themes addressed by government agencies. When these agendas operate in sectoral and specialized policies, the friction level is apparently low. However, when this occurs in intersectoral actions, such as in regional development, there is evidence of strong signs of competition among government agencies, which in theory, should operate in an integrated manner. Although this is not a specific feature of Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva´s government- the period to be studied- there was similar behavior in Fernando Henrique Cardoso´s presidency, one realizes that the expansion of coalition on behalf of governance is increasingly interfering in the outcome of intersectoral public policies, due to these multiple arguments in action. In order to understand these processes, this study focused on the Sustainable and Integrated Development Programme for Differentiated Meso-Regions (PROMESO), part of the National Policy for Regional Development (NPRD). The program provides interface with various government agencies and their public policies in a clear intersectoral design. The research sought to identify and analyze the relationships between government agencies and their programs with interest groups, whether political parties or other segments of civil society, highlighting the logic of favoritism, which poses in second place the integration of actions in the intersectoral policies. Therefore, besides the theoretical debate that incorporates several categories of political science, public administration, public policy, geography and economics, the study focused on secondary sources, using different government agencies databases in order to raise information. It was observed that the interference of partisan politics has been disastrous for some public policies. Thus, the research confirms that cooperative character is fragile within government agencies, often limited to official documents, and that there is indeed, a striking feature of competition, especially when it comes to transversalized policies

O processo de criação do programa Universidade para Todos - PROUNI

From the end of the 80s, the Brazilian higher education experience strong growth, coming from the private sector, which would intensify further in the late 90th Higher education has become a lucrative business. With a drop in the number of students entering and strong competition, the number of idle places in private institutions of higher education reached 49.5% in 2004. That same year, by Measure, was the University for All Program (PROUNI) program, to include high school students from public higher education, offering scholarships to those students in private HEIs. In exchange, the IES gain tax exemption. The objective of this research is to investigate the game of interest occurred in the formulation of this program and identify the model and the political game and has led to the creation of PROUNI, analyzing the process occurred since the wording of a bill, the issue of Measure Law and that the legitimacy PROUNI, with the most important changes made initial model. Since the first draft of the Law to the final Act, the PROUNI was disfigured in its main points, as the percentage of stock for paying students, the process of selection of stock and bond of the IES program. Throughout the process of creating the program, it is quite clear the performance of the institutions representing the private higher education. As reference for the analysis was based on Rational Choice Theory of Political Science. The basic argument of the methods based on rational choice is the maximization of the benefit will be the main motivation of individuals, but they can give that your goals can be achieved more effectively through institutional action and thereby discover that their conduct is shaped by institutions. Thus, individuals rationally choose to get to a certain extent constrained to join in certain institutions, whether voluntarily or not. The PROUNI was submitted by government and public policy covered by the mystical aura of the discourse of social justice and economic development, as in higher education includes a stratum of people who would not have access to the university, due to restrictions in the supply network public higher education. However, the greatest benefit from the program are the private HEIs, which through a difficult time in a scenario marked by high competition and idleness of nearly half of the vacancies offered. The PROUNI became a program that prioritizes access and not the residence of the student to higher education. More serious than a supporting program for students Fellows is a program supporting the institutions of private education

Os embates entre ciência e política na experiência parlamentar de Josué de Castro

This study want to know how Josué de Castro, the two terms of a congressman, participated in the Brazilian political-ideological debate of the 1950s. For this, search the 61 speeches in the plenary of the House of Representatives and its 14 projects, analyzing them as historical documents that describe an experience, which enables the central category amalgamated the subject and his time, which breaks up the possibilities of new social practices. Unity of action and reflection, the experience of Castro in the Brazilian parliament has got on the basis of a previous flow experiences in the political-institutional and scientific. Together with the personal history, the political intellectual scenario of his time was another variable considered in the first chapter of this work. In the second chapter did an analysis of 32 speeches and projects of the first term of Josué de Castro, grouping them by thematic affinities. The 43 for the second term were discussed in the third chapter, leaving the final considerations answer the research objectives: What are the main interlocutors? What are your political positions? What are the points of rupture and continuity in his political career? Josué de Castro spoke to the Brazilian state directly to the president, some ministers and to the SUDENE, the ONU appears indirectly through the reports of his participations. His political position was a national-developmentalist who embraced the cause of self-determination of the countries, anti-imperialism, agrarian reform and regional planning, strongly inspired by Celso Furtado and San Tiago Dantas. Castro often has blended a liberal and Marxist terminology, relying on different ideologies to do support his fight against hunger

Coevolução e as práticas isomórficas de gestão: um estudo sobre os processos de mudanças institucionais no Instituto Federal de Educação, Ciência e Tecnologia do RN

The Federal Institution for Education, Science and Technology, in its historical path, has been living different changes. The transformations occurred along the way have been determined by coercive forces from the institutional environment, which has became more and more broad and complex throughout the time, obtaining diverse characteristics and new elements such as non institutional factors1 which started to contribute with the other changes. In this context, this work aims to study the isomorphic practices of the managers in the institutional changes process of the IFRN in 1998 and 2008, as of a theoretical coevolutionary perspective (CHILD; RODRIGUES; LEWIN; CARROL; VOLBERDA, 2003). This theory brings a new point of view for the organization analysis to the organizational studies, since it offers a non deterministic and non linear lection of the evolution process, which means, a coevolution. Thus, the organizations and their institutional and non institutional environment auto evolve, auto organize and auto reproduce. Therefore, the institutional and non institutional factors of the macro environment keep a continuous interdependence relationship with the organizations. For the means of this study, it is important to understand that is impossible to comprehend the object, the isomorphic practices, without considering that the previous institutional changes and its evolutions, its continuations and discontinuations, important in the coevolution process. As such, to call upon the institutional historical track is a fundamental aspect to materialize this study, for the recursive movement is indeed present in the coevolution. Another important point to make this research effective is that it is not possible to abdicate from the hologramatic view2 of this study, which considers the object, the isomorphic practices, part of the whole and this whole is also in the parts, therefore it is impossible to comprehend the object of study outside the context where it belongs. With this, as of the objective previously proposed, it is necessary to describe the characteristics of coevolution of the institutional changes related in 1998 and 2008; analyze the dynamic of the isomorphic mechanisms in its respective institutional change process; and describe the lessons learned which the isomorphic practices left to the IFRN, regarding its benefits and difficulties. All these transformations happened through coercive forces3 of the institutional environment. As of the Nineties, these forces became stronger, the environment became broader and more complex, with the emergency of new environmental factors. This study proposed to study the managing process and its practices, related to the micro environment, although it is required to articulate these actions, the demands and requirements from the macro environment. To make this research effective, semi structured interviews have been conducted with the managers who participated in both institutional change processes. In the results analysis, it has been possible to verify the particularity of each change, the one from 1998 with a strong normative action of the managers against coercive forces from the government for the search of recognition and the institutional legitimation and the one in 2008, which has been characterized by the normative action by managers in agreement with the coercive forces from the government, in favor of the government policy for the technological professional education. However, the results analysis it is possible to notice the evidence of a belonging feeling from the interviewed managers

Hidrocarbonetos alifáticos em sedimentos de fundo do estuário do Rio Potengi, grande Natal (RN): implicações ambientais

The Potengi river estuary is located in the region of Natal (RN, Brazil), comprising a population of approximately 1,000,000 inhabitants. Besides the dominant urban presence, the estuary has fragments of mangrove forest. The objective of this study is to determine the aliphatic hydrocarbons found in the bottom sediments of this estuary, identifying their levels, distribution and their possible origins through the diagnostic rates, indexes and results comparisons with the local anthropic and natural characteristics. The samples were obtained according to a plan that allowed sampling of the estuary up to 12 km upstream from it as mounth. 36 stations were selected, grouped into 12 cross sections through the course of the river and spaced on average by 1 km. Each section consisted of three stations: the right margin, the deepest point and the left margin. The hydrocarbon n-alkanes from C10 to C36, the isoprenoids pristane and phytane, the unresolved complex mixture (UCM) and the total resolved hydrocarbons were analyzed by gas chromatography. N-alkanes, pristane, phytane and UCM were detected only at some stations. In the other, the concentration was below the detection limit defined by the analytical method (0.1 mg / kg), preventing them from being analyzed to determine the origin of the material found. By using different parameters, the results show that the estuary receives both the input of petrogenic hydrocarbons, but also of biogenic hydrocarbons, featuring a mixture of sources and relatively impacted portions. Based on the characteristics and activities found in the region, it is possible to affirm that petrogenic sources related to oil products enter the estuary via urban runoff or boats traffic, boat washing and fueling. Turning to the biogenic source, the predominant origin was terrestrial, characterized by vascular plants, indicating contribution of mangrove vegetation. It was evident the presence of, at specific points in the estuary, hydrocarbon pollution, and, therefore is recommended the adoption of actions aimed at interrupting or, at least, mitigating the sources potentially capable of damp petrogenic hydrocarbons in the estuary studied.

Dos movimentos sociais às funções institucionais: a Consolidação de uma geração política em Sergipe.

This study was presented to the Post-Graduation Program in Social Sciences at UFRN as part of the requisites for obtaining the title of Master in Social Sciences. It describes the results of the research From social movements to the institutional functions: the consolidation of a generation . Its main objective is to describe the history of a political generation that emerged from the social movements, in the 80 s, in Sergipe, and that nowadays occupies the main governmental positions in the State s political scenario. As its specific objectives, the research described the emerging of social movements in the 80s in Sergipe; it found in the social movements in Sergipe, in the 80s, the beginning of the history of a new political generation, and described the consolidation of this new political generation in institutional positions as the expression of a new group of power in Sergipe s politics. Among the social movements that gained visibility in that period and that projected their leadership into the political scenario of Sergipe, this study highlights: the students movement, teacher s movement, bank clercks movement, miners movement, and rural workers movement. It utilized as methodology the research in sites, magazines, and the use of testimonies from semi-structured interviews. The main leadership of the five movements that were analyzed is, nowadays, governing the state, administering the capital s city hall, and performing legislative work at the Legislative Assembly of Sergipe, and at the Chamber of City Councilmen of Aracaju. This study described the political history of the main leadership of that generation of militants and organizers of social movements, and of left party groups in Sergipe, highlighting that their consolidation in the political scenario of the State meant the consolidation of a new group of power in Sergipe s politics.