38 resultados para Despesa pública - Aspectos políticos

em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)


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Brazilian law passes through a crisis of effectiveness commonly attributed to the extravagance of fundamental rights and public shortage. However, public finances are not dogmatically structured to solve the conflicts around the limitations of public spending. There are ethical conditioning factors, like morality, proportionality and impartiality, however, these principles act separately, while the problem of public shortage is holistic. Also, the subjectivity of politics discretionary in the definition of public spending, which is supported in an indeterminate concept of public interest, needs material orientation about the destination of public funds, making it vulnerable to ideological manipulation, resulting in real process of catching rights. Not even the judicial activism (such as influx of constitutionalism) is shown legally appropriate. The Reserve of Possible, also presents basic ethical failure. Understanding the formation of public shortage is therefore essential for understanding the crisis of effectiveness of state responsibilities, given the significant expansion of the state duty of protection, which does not find legal technique of defense of the established interests. The premise of argument, then, part of the possibility of deducting minimal model ethical of desire to spend (public interest) according to objective parameters of the normative system. Public spending has always been treated disdainfully by the Brazilian doctrine, according to the legal character accessory assigned to the monetary cost. Nonetheless, it is the meeting point between economics and law, or is in the marrow of the problem of public shortage. Expensive Subjects to modernity, as the effectiveness of fundamental rights, pass necessarily an ethical legal system of public spending. From the ethical principles deducted from the planning, only the democratic principle guides the public spending through the approval of public spending in the complex budget process. In other words, there is an ethical distancing of economic reality in relation to state responsibilities. From the dogmatic belief of insufficiency, public spending is evaluated ethically, according to the foundations of modern constitutionalism, in search of possible of the financial reserve, certain that the ethics of public economy is a sine qua non condition for legal ethics.

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The overall objective of this study is to analyze the efficiency in the use of resources and the quality of public health in the municipalities of Rio Grande do Norte, from 2004 to 2008. It also seeks to identify the determinants of municipal inefficiency and measure the productivity of public spending on health. To this end, three methods of analysis are used: the DEA, the Malmquist index and the Tobit regression model. Among other findings, it appears that municipalities considered more inefficient in the measurement of expenditure on health make the largest expense in this function. On the other hand, from 2004 to 2008, only 13 municipalities showed an increase in the productivity of public spending. It is also noted that municipalities considered efficient in quality of health, although having more physical and human resources, offer fewer health services to the population. In all, the major determinants of health spending inefficiencies are the variables: age of the mayor, coalition, population density, literacy race and budget revenues. Regarding the inefficiency of the health quality, variables such as: coalition, literacy race have strong influence on this behavior. Thereby, the hypotheses proposed by the study have been fully accepted. In other words, for the efficiency of the quality and health spending it is needed more than resources, i.e., the expenditure shows itself as essential, but not enough, for political and economic aspects also interfere with the performance of spent and in the quality of health care offered to the population

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Analyze the work of the school manager who now faces the changes experienced in school management for the last two decades. We propose that there have been changes in school management that have generated a larger number of activities to be developed by managers, causing both the intensification of work and a greater involvement of professionals in the financial-administrative dimension of their work in opposition to the political and pedagogical dimension. This study has a historic-critic approach. That is why we performed semi-structured interviews with school managers of the city schools in Natal RN, BR as a methodological procedure. We also analyzed the literature as well as the documentation relevant to this subject. From the study it was possible to conclude that changes in the field of school management and also teaching have led to an intensification of work of school managers and that such changes have not been followed by corresponding improvement in working conditions and teaching career of these professionals. They, as a rule, are considered by controlling agencies and by the school community as the primarily responsible for the school condition and for creating actions or projects that may improve the institutional objectives and results, including even the maintenance of the institution. Moreover, the growing number of administrative activities represents for obvious reasons extra work for these managers, who, when trying to cope with the growing bureaucratic situations, end up misplacing other political and educational aspects of school work, which may undermine the final purpose of school itself. We stress that we must broaden the discussions on the functions of the school manager, so that this worker can actualize a pedagogical project more committed to an emancipatory nature, despite all the challenge in keeping the school running in often-precarious conditions

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This research seeks to understand how the problem of information security is treated in Brazil by the public thematization and also how it can affect the political and economic aspects of both Brazilian companies and government by using a study case based on the document leak event of the National Security Agency by Snowden. For this, the study case of sites, blogs and news portal coverage was carried out from the perspective of evidential paradigm, studies of movement and event concept. We are interested in examining how the media handles the information security topic and what its impact on national and international political relations. The subject matter was considered the largest data leakage in history of the NSA, which ranks as the world's largest agency of expression intelligence. This leak caused great repercussions in Brazil since it was revealed that the country was the most watched by the United States of America, behind only USA itself. The consequences were: a big tension between Brazil and the US and a public discussion about privacy and freedom on Internet. The research analyzed 256 publications released by Brazilian media outlets in digital media, in the period between June and July 2013.

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This research seeks to understand how the problem of information security is treated in Brazil by the public thematization and also how it can affect the political and economic aspects of both Brazilian companies and government by using a study case based on the document leak event of the National Security Agency by Snowden. For this, the study case of sites, blogs and news portal coverage was carried out from the perspective of evidential paradigm, studies of movement and event concept. We are interested in examining how the media handles the information security topic and what its impact on national and international political relations. The subject matter was considered the largest data leakage in history of the NSA, which ranks as the world's largest agency of expression intelligence. This leak caused great repercussions in Brazil since it was revealed that the country was the most watched by the United States of America, behind only USA itself. The consequences were: a big tension between Brazil and the US and a public discussion about privacy and freedom on Internet. The research analyzed 256 publications released by Brazilian media outlets in digital media, in the period between June and July 2013.

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At a time of changes on the territory during the 19th century, the political and socioeconomic elites of the province and later State of Rio Grande do Norte evolved a discourse in order to justify the permanence of Natal as a city holding a status of capital. In this work we analyze the means employed by the ruling classes to impose their wish to raise Natal to an outstanding position among the existing cities by intervening on the territory during a period of one hundred years (1820-1920). During that time, which was characterized by changing commercial flows and technological development, the elites interventions were essentially directed to the implementation of modes of transportation, especially the railway. We try to understand the reinforcement of Natal as a capital city not only in political and administrative terms, but mainly in a commercial and symbolic manner, through the discourse and interventions undertaken by the local administrative elites, who stimulated the creation of a set of relations on the territory that also imprinted visible marks in the capital s urban fabric. These interventions were based upon the establishment of an infrastructure for exporting the State s production, firstly through and despite the Potengi River, and later on by the construction of railways. Although the project of Natal s hegemony had been outlined before the establishment of the railway network, in both cases the ultimate objective was to reinforce and develop the capital city as a commercial urban center to the detriment of other cities

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The recent democratic process in Brazil made it as element for its consolidation the idea of participation. It requires a state model that included on its agenda democratic society participation in decision-making process, and a society that has as a principle based participatory civic consciousness. Therefore, this study aims to analyze the level of political participation in two Brazilian state capitals , Natal and Porto Alegre. Data were obtained through quantitative data from the application of 384 questionnaires in both capitals. We chose some variables that will form the basis for our study; Duties of a good citizen, a good citizen rights, Confidence, Index of socialization, exposure to media, degree of interest in politics; Mobilization; Associations. Already qualitative research sought to address the political, cultural and institutional of the two municipalities

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This research aimed to understand pregnant general meaning about consort absence in prenatal care. It s an exploratory and descriptive qualitative approach, developed at Centro de Saúde de Jardim Lola, São Gonçalo do Amarante / RN. Participated in investigation 20 pregnant enrolled in prenatal program, their aged over 18 years, guidance of mental faculties and who survive together her partner. Data were collected from March to May 2009, through semi-structured interview. The analysis was processed according to grounded theory and symbolic interactionism as theoretical and methodological references. To support discussions were used literature findings involving political aspects of women humanization in health care and gender relations within family. Following footsteps of points it were adopted derived following sub categories: ¨Realizing involvement of consort during prenatal¨, ¨Expressing feelings during prenatal¨ and ¨Manifesting attitudes during prenatal period¨. These, when they had their properties and dimensions analyzed, resulted in the main category ¨ Experiencing absence of compeer in clinical prenatal¨. The construction of this theory leads to conclusion that women understand absence of her partner, attributing this to even work at the moment prenatal care or does not like to attend health institutions. However, this does not mean that his presence is dismissed, because desire to be with him in prenatal care was mentioned by most interviewees. So, partner absent at time, leads women to experience desires, feelings, attitudes, perceptions and expectations about studied phenomenon. This reality, induce that absence of them partner in prenatal care predisposes women to strengthening of discomforts arising from pregnancy and therefore goes against wellbeing of pregnant, and ensure the possibility of marital discord. This requires professional nursing measures to get in inclusion of partner in daily pre-natal care in humanization perspective.

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Augusto Boal (Brasil) y Heiner Müller (Alemania) son dramaturgos del siglo XX que vivieron en países y contextos evidentemente distintos. Sin embargo, con la crisis del teatro burgués y de las condiciones de legitimidad del régimen de producción de este teatro, ambos presentan puntos de contacto en sus líneas y vectores teatrales que, frente a la universalidad cuestionable de la dramatización, llevan a la concepción de un teatro múltiple y perturbador del orden de lo sensible. Los procesos de escenificación contemporánea exige un adelantamiento del sentido político, desviando del juego de representaciones sociales, para dar lugar al trabajo deconstructor de imágenes como cisión entre la palabra y lo representado, entre lo legible y lo visible. Frente al expuesto, las escritas escénicas y, por eso, literarias de estos autores, sitios de singularización – no con ausencia de paradojas – capaces de movilizar manifestaciones e impases cuanto a las imágenes que ordenan o desordenan los textos dramáticos, traen para la contemporaneidad tensiones que llevan al teatro mismo, tanto a interpelarse como, en su fuerza plural, a encontrar pasajes para el nuevo. Llevar a la superficie aspectos políticos en las imágenes de los textos dramáticos, considerándolos en su inscripción literaria: “La misión: recuerdos de una revolución”, de Heiner Müller, y de “El hombre que era una fábrica”, de Augusto Boal, se hace un desafío, una vez que las imágenes pretendidas son aquellas con formas o materialidades todavía no visibles en la escena, podríamos decir, en estado virtual. Como imágenes pensantes, ellas suceden en el plan de inmanencia del lenguaje (Deleuze y Guattari). Siendo lo “político” una perturbación en lo sensible, contrario a la política (Rancière), la dramaturgia se abala en multiplicidades, desplazando y desnaturalizando las funciones de autor/dramaturgo y lector/actor, teatro/literatura. Dramaturgia simultánea, imagen, fragmento y colaje se muestran como procedimientos artísticos y literarios creativos que se encuentran apropiados sea en la teoría del teatro del oprimido (Boal), sea en el teatro pos-dramático (Hans-ThiesLehmann), a pesar de que, al confrontarlas, sobresalían en desentendimientos: la primera coincide con la lógica de la identidad y la segunda, esta se desarticula, movida por la diáfora, contestación, o desacuerdo. Tales relaciones – no apriorísticas – se suceden en cuanto acontecimiento de la lectura o de la literatura como acontecimiento en que lo político en las imágenes se da, antes, en las lagunas y obscuridades, aludiendo a lo que está más allá de lo sentido, de la escena del gesto y de la palabra. El lector no se para para atribuir sentido, se interroga frente a las metamorfosis y formas oblicuas de acontecimientos insospechables que componen lo político estableciendo la gestión colectiva de la enunciación. En este caso, el texto de Boal y el texto de Müller se inscriben en la producción de una literatura menor, o de un teatro menor, o que los califica como agentes de devenires revolucionarios, agitando, a través de la política en las imágenes, e irrumpiendo contra el problema del poder en las artes.

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At a time of changes on the territory during the 19th century, the political and socioeconomic elites of the province and later State of Rio Grande do Norte evolved a discourse in order to justify the permanence of Natal as a city holding a status of capital. In this work we analyze the means employed by the ruling classes to impose their wish to raise Natal to an outstanding position among the existing cities by intervening on the territory during a period of one hundred years (1820-1920). During that time, which was characterized by changing commercial flows and technological development, the elites interventions were essentially directed to the implementation of modes of transportation, especially the railway. We try to understand the reinforcement of Natal as a capital city not only in political and administrative terms, but mainly in a commercial and symbolic manner, through the discourse and interventions undertaken by the local administrative elites, who stimulated the creation of a set of relations on the territory that also imprinted visible marks in the capital s urban fabric. These interventions were based upon the establishment of an infrastructure for exporting the State s production, firstly through and despite the Potengi River, and later on by the construction of railways. Although the project of Natal s hegemony had been outlined before the establishment of the railway network, in both cases the ultimate objective was to reinforce and develop the capital city as a commercial urban center to the detriment of other cities

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The World has tried diverse democratic waves at distinct moments. Some nations have adopted the idea of the democracy for years; others have not yet and other ones are still in a slow process of transition. The field of studies on the Arabian political systems has testified since the last quarter of 20th century a notorious development. This advance disclosed in the existence of a set of trends that has turned around a number of concepts and main theoretical frames such as the political pluralism and the democratic transition and the civil society and its relation with the State. The speech on the process of democratic transition consists in part in the capture and the analysis of the role of the forces and the organizations of the civil society in this process. The peculiarities of the Arab World excite questions concerning the establishment of one governmental system in this universe in the mold of that one that develops with hegemony in the Occident, which has become an interesting field of inquiries for the Political Science. This study comprises the analysis of some aspects of the political situation in the Arab World towards the process of democratization in which Egypt and Lebanon are models of study. Thus the theoretical basis of the term democracy is introduced, presenting different considerations about this expression, since the sprouting of the term until its current conception; later the civil society is analyzed as well as the systems of the political parties and the electoral systems of both countries in attempt to identify the level of democratization existing there and also to find the possible ways to magnify the democratic horizons

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Cet article traite de la possibilité de proposer le Trésor à la justice pour annuler une décision administrative définitive sur les questions fiscales. Il s'agit d'un sujet qui s'oppose au principe de la vérité matérielle - qui doit prévaloir en cas d'impôt - avec une certitude morale représentée par la chose jugée administrative. Commence par le processus administratif d'impôt comme une garantie constitutionnelle du contribuable, insérée dans le panorama d une compétence adoptée dans la législation brésilienne en tant que pilier de l'Etat de droit démocratique. Met l'accent sur la position du Trésor avant l'autorité de la chose jugée administrative, ce qui démontre la fragilité de La décision finale sur les questions fiscales. Décrit les effets de la révision (ou de l'annulation) dês actes administratifs, en particulier la libération de l'impôt et de la décision administrative qui vise à le confirmer. Enfin, nous discuterons de la composition et la légitimité du contentieux administratif, en conclusion, avec le soutien de la prévalence d'un fait important dans le cãs d'impôt, est non seulement possible, mais le Trésor devrait examiner leurs propres actions si nécessaire

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Public policies have been studied in the various fields of humanities and social sciences, from different theoretical and technical aspects. However, there is still a lack of studies that incorporate the dimension that encompasses the political action and its interference in such actions, also recognizing the importance of the institutional setting of the Brazilian presidential model in implementing these policies. This fragmented and multiparty system has led to power heterogeneous sets of political parties. Thus, the ministerial offices, more than assisting the President´s government project, manage particularized agendas, which are party biased and have the influence of interest groups in hegemonic themes addressed by government agencies. When these agendas operate in sectoral and specialized policies, the friction level is apparently low. However, when this occurs in intersectoral actions, such as in regional development, there is evidence of strong signs of competition among government agencies, which in theory, should operate in an integrated manner. Although this is not a specific feature of Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva´s government- the period to be studied- there was similar behavior in Fernando Henrique Cardoso´s presidency, one realizes that the expansion of coalition on behalf of governance is increasingly interfering in the outcome of intersectoral public policies, due to these multiple arguments in action. In order to understand these processes, this study focused on the Sustainable and Integrated Development Programme for Differentiated Meso-Regions (PROMESO), part of the National Policy for Regional Development (NPRD). The program provides interface with various government agencies and their public policies in a clear intersectoral design. The research sought to identify and analyze the relationships between government agencies and their programs with interest groups, whether political parties or other segments of civil society, highlighting the logic of favoritism, which poses in second place the integration of actions in the intersectoral policies. Therefore, besides the theoretical debate that incorporates several categories of political science, public administration, public policy, geography and economics, the study focused on secondary sources, using different government agencies databases in order to raise information. It was observed that the interference of partisan politics has been disastrous for some public policies. Thus, the research confirms that cooperative character is fragile within government agencies, often limited to official documents, and that there is indeed, a striking feature of competition, especially when it comes to transversalized policies

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The central interest of this thesis is to comprehend how the public action impels the formation and transformation of the tourist destinies. The research was based on the premise that the public actions are the result of the mediation process of state and non-state actors considered important in a section, which interact aiming for prevailing their interests and world visions above the others. The case of Porto de Galinhas beach, in Pernambuco, locus of the investigation of this thesis, allowed the analysis of a multiplicity of actors on the formation and implementation of local actions toward the development of the tourism between the years 1970 and 2010, as well as permitted the comprehension of the construction of the referential on the interventions made. This thesis, of a qualitative nature, has as theoretical support the cognitive approach of analysis of the public policies developed in France, and it has as main exponents the authors Bruno Jobert and Pierre Muller. This choice was made by the emphasis on the cognitive and normative factors of the politics, which aspects are not very explored in the studies of public policies in Brazil. As the source of the data collection, documental, bibliographic and field researches were utilized to the (re)constitution of the formation and transformation in the site concerned. The analysis techniques applied were the content and the documental analysis. To trace the public action referential, it started by the characterization of the touristic section frontiers and the creation of images by the main international body: the World Tourism Organization, of which analysis of the minutes of the meetings underscored guidelines to the member countries, including Brazil, which compounds the global-sectorial reference of the section. As from the analysis of the evolution of the tourism in the country, was identified that public policies in Brazil passed by transformations in their organization over the years, indicating changes in the referential that guided the interventions. These guidelines and transformations were identified in the construction of the tourist destination of Porto de Galinhas, of which data was systematized and presented in four historical periods, in which were discussed the values, the standard, the algorithms, the images and the important mediators. It has been revealed that the State worked in different roles in the decades analyzed in local tourism. From the 1990s, however, new actors were inserted in the formulation and implementation of policies developed, especially for local hotelkeepers. These, through their association, establishes a leadership relation in the local touristic section, thereby, they could set their hegemony and spread their own interest. The leadership acquired by a group of actors, in the case of Porto de Galinhas, does not mean that trade within the industry were neutralized, but that there is a cognitive framework that confronts the actors involved. In spite of the advances achieved by the work of the mediators in the last decades, that resulted in an amplification and diversification of the activity in the area, as well as the consolidation at the beach, as a tourist destiny of national standout, the position of the place is instable, concerned to the competitiveness, once that there is an situation of social and environmental unsustainability

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This work aims to understand the phenomenon of corruption in the Brazilian public sphere and its implications for society. It has brought concepts of corruption, and has referred to its highest incidence in the public sphere in the three levels of government (despite its infiltration also in the privative sector) and has called attention to two subjects which intertwine public administration (as a means of ordering social life) and corruption (as a form of denial to the collective welfare). Through literature search whose analysis shows that the phenomenon contains the entire country history, from discovery to present day it was found to be common several dictatorial and democratic political regimes. Finally, it has emphasized the importance and necessity of citizen participation in process, as well as the organization of civil society and media, in addition to highlighting the relevance of autonomy and independence of Powers set for its effective confrontation and fighting