A relação histórica entre democracia e liberalismo. Um diálogo crítico com Norberto Bobbio.

This work seeks to examine the historical relationships established between liberalism and democracy, questioning the apparent inseparability between the two ideologies. Methodologically construct a hypothetical dialogue with the Italian thinker Norberto Bobbio, one of the most important systematizers of liberal democracy, defending a theoretical and conceptual complementarity between the two ideologies. Following the Bobbio theoretical propose, it presents the political contributions of classical liberalism that the Italian thinker identify as logical and axiological antecedent of the modern democracy, naturalizing and universalizing the principles and ideals of classical liberalism. Going counter, it problematizes the political contributions of classical liberalism, emphasizing the tension between liberal theory and its practice, between the declared political principles and their translation into concrete historical reality, reserving rights and freedoms to property minority and severe restrictions to the majority. The critical analysis of classical liberalism allows questioning the privilege position that Bobbio reserves to the liberalism in the democracy history, to restore the important contribution of illiberal politics currents in the civil, political and social rights history, advocating the democracy with its social character, inclusive and participatory

Da crise do estado à democracia como alvo: Observações sobre o neoliberalismo a partir de Friedrich Hayek e Milton Friedman

The neoliberalism proclaims the crisis of the State in front of globalization , but, approaching two books taken as basic on this theoretical chain - The road to serfdom, of Friedrich Hayek, and Capitalism and Freedom, of Milton Friedman - to analyze this supposed dualism, the conclusion into which we arrive is another one. Remembering liberal tradition and quickly, later, analyzing critically the workmanships, can be perceived that others are the conflicts really gifts in the current capitalist reality - market versus State et capitalism versus democracy - and, from the understanding on the reading made and the theoretical trajectory of its authors, we may see as the neoliberalism locates itself in relation to these conflicts, which polar regions of these antagonisms privileges, what represents the State for itself, and what it intends as much more global philosophy than economic/politics thinking only

Gestão participativa em educação: compasso e descompasso de uma experiência de democracia no espaço escolar

This work aims at investigating the strategies of management used by State School Joaquim Jose de Medeiros, located in the city of Cruzeta - RN, as award practice of "School of Reference in Management", with a state title in 1999 at the beginning of the decade from 2000, being "Outstanding Brazil" from best management strategies nationally. In 2005, it is ranked among the best experiences of the state. It has been become complex by experiencing in that institution, but at the same time an enjoyable practice, mainly by using a social research, in a qualitative and quantitative approach, and a analysis of the institutional performance of two management practices: from 1995 to 2002 and from 2003 to 2007 . To understand the object, a investigative questionnaire was used with representatives of the school community and carried out an analysis of assessment of institutional and documents of institutional organization of the periods above in order to identify management strategies and examine the influences of the share capital, public policies , the institutional evaluation, in the process of democratic construction that has allowed achievements, highlighting Cruzeta, in the Seridó in the state of Rio Grande do Norte, semi-arid northeast, in the national and international juncture of well-successful experiences in management in institutional categories and leadership. This study becomes relevant to allow understand that the cultural practices of seridoenses that symbolize a capital generated by principles of trust, reciprocity, civic culture, as a driving force in overcoming the problems community and the conquest of democratic principles, worked for the school become a national reference in educational administration. Another aspect that made it natural that school was the collective creation of educational project with the participation and civic culture of self-evaluation as a way to understand the institutional practice and establish guidelines to improve the teaching and practice management in its many dimensions educational, social, administrative - financial and legal

Direitos humanos e dilemas da democracia no Brasil: um estudo sociológico do trabalho policial (1985-2009)

According to the Public National Security Plan, the security is "[ ] a right by democratic excellence legitimately desired by all sectors of society, which is the fundamental right of citizenship, obligation of the constitutional state and responsibility of each one of us." The 1988 Constitution recognized the rights of life, liberty and personal integrity, considered torture and racial discrimination as crimes. The prime directive of the National Security and Citizenship (Law No. 11,707 of June 19, 2008 - PRONASCI-Brazil) expresses the commitment of the Brazilian state with the promotion of human rights. But despite this formal recognition, official violence continues to be used as a means of maintaining social order, consolidating a police action violating human rights (Amnesty International report "They go in shooting" - AI Index: AMR 19/025/2005) . This thesis analyzes the police work combined with the extension of citizenship rights, the spaces of freedom and democracy as a measure for the degree of affirmation or denial of the Human Rights in Brazil, and proposes the construction of a human friendly Police Force (Post - Colonial, Post-Abyss, Intercultural and Democratic)

Democracia Possível: espaços institucionais, participação social e cultura política

The present study aims at making a theoretically reflection about the reconstruction process of democracy that can be observed in the country since the opening political process, which took place with the Geisel´s government in 1974, passing through the first civil president, in 1985, the Constitution process, in 1986, and finally the Constitution promulgation in 1988. It interests to this study analyses the premise that the 1988 Constitution inaugurates the moment in which democracy starts to be reconstructed in the country, and that this reconstruction is made in such a brand new way, once it included the possibility of participation of the civil society in the deliberation of the public politics, what became possible with the creation of new spaces of a gestion shared by the three executive powers: federal; states; municipalities, and with the civil society, in the councils created in those spheres. In this way, this work wishes to focus the opening process to the civil society participation, wich became possible with the creation of the city councils of public politics. It´s about investigating the form in wich the relations set up in these hibrid spaces could be considered democratic, inclusive and promoters of effective participation, checking up tendencies, giving emphasis to regularities and some specifities encountered in the forms of participation, which have been observed in those councils. In order to comprehend the democratic process in construction in the country, the analysis of the relations established by the civil society and the local executive power in the obligatory municipal councils is taken as object of study, passing by the tensions wich evolves institutions and political practices, permeated by the local political culture. It starts from a briefly review of works already made on the subject

Democracia brasileira: fortalecimento da participação popular

A democracia tem representado ao longo da História o mais perfeito mecanismo político de convivência social, encontrando na soberania popular seu fundamento e legitimidade. De berço grego, instituiu-se sob princípios que radicavam o poder político no povo, exercido diretamente na ágora ateniense. O iluminismo dos séculos XVII e XVIII reacendeu o ideal democrático, encontrando no positivismo sua base teórica. O poder passou a ser exercido por via de representantes eleitos periodicamente. O locus da atividade política era o parlamento, ambiente fechado e refratário à participação popular, cingida, à época, ao voto do cidadão nos períodos eleitorais. O distanciamento entre governantes e governados gerou déficit de legitimidade no modelo liberal clássico, levando o constitucionalismo do século XX a abandonar o rigor formal positivista, para adotar uma nova hermenêutica, de base axiológica e centrada na participação direta do povo nas instâncias do poder. A Constituição Federal de 1988 compendiou a democracia participativa em seu texto, declarando no parágrafo único, de seu artigo 1º, que todo o poder emana do povo. Consagrou como base da soberania popular o sufrágio universal, o voto direto, secreto e de igual valor, além do plebiscito, do referendo e da iniciativa popular de leis. Garantiu ainda a ação popular como ferramenta de cidadania. A participação popular foi restringida com o advento da Lei nº 9.907/98, que impôs bloqueios processuais para seu exercício, gerando déficit de legitimidade no sistema representativo brasileiro. O propósito desse trabalho é demonstrar a necessidade de se estabelecer um novo espaço público na ordem constitucional do Brasil, de textura aberta e dialógica e de perspectiva emancipatória, que customize a participação do povo nas instâncias do poder, a partir da desburocratização dos instrumentos de soberania popular já existentes e da adoção de outros institutos democráticos semidireto, notadamente a iniciativa popular de emenda à Constituição, a revogação de mandato eletivo e o veto popular

Iniciativa popular na concretização do direito fundamental à democracia

The Participatory Democracy is disseminated throughout the Principle of Popular Sovereignty. Since it spurs the participation of the people in the exercise of political power, it emerges as a conciliatory alternative to the Representative Regime - one of questionable legitimacy in account of the distortion it causes on the will of the public. It does so specially vis-à-vis the legislative, where the law is created. It s known that our Constitution (arts. 1º e 14, CF/88) provides for the means through which the members of the public may take part in the political process of the country, for it consecrates the plebiscite, the referendum and the popular initiative, all of them incipiently regulated by the Lei nº 9.709/98. It s our task, thus, to inquire, through deductive reasoning as well as the legal exegeses, the enforceability of the Popular Initiative as a means of popular emancipation, given that it enables the citizens to conscientiously participate in the public sphere. It has also an educational ethos which builds the capacity of individual to act, and, therefore, through thoughtful choices, enhance the legal system. Furthermore, the Lei da Ficha Limpa (LC nº 135/2010) surely represents a milestone in the Brazilian political history, since it accrued from a new way of social interaction allowed by the usage of communication technology on the pursuit of political morality. As a matter of fact, this bill is a clear example of how a legal act was legitimately proposed through Public Initiative. Hence, it s beneficial to actually make use of the Public Initiative, under the influence of the New Constitutional Hermeneutics, with a view to supporting social claims and promoting a dialogical relationship with the State in order to help it in the decisionmaking process. Thereat, we can achieve important civic spaces through which the fundamental right to democracy shall be materialized, tearing apart the old paradigms of inequality and, thus, promoting social justice

Democracia participativa e regulação econômica: uma questão de legitimidade

This work presents an analysis about the legitimation of independent regulatory commission`s rulemaking power by participation procedure. It is observed that political and administrative decentralization and fragmentation of State, with the purpose of approaching citizens and provide, more efficiently, the functions acquired by the passage of the Welfare State, leads to a deficit of legitimacy (democratic crisis), which is noticeable in the making of legal norms by directors of independent regulatory commission to regulate specific economic sector. However, we understand that this crisis stems from the observation of the contemporary world from dogmas and legal institutions of the eighteenth century, without their evolution and adaptation to the modern world. The legitimacy must be perceived as the justification of power, relation command /obedience, which, from the Modern State, has the democracy as standard. Therefore, just as the world has evolved and demanded political and administrative decentralization to accompany him, it is necessary to the development of the idea of representative democracy (formal legitimacy) to participatory democracy (legitimacy stuff). Legitimacy is not confused with the legality: as the legality is on observance to internal legal system, the "rules of play"; legitimacy, as inputs to be fed into this system, the selection of the different expectations in the environment. Nevertheless, the legitimacy will take place by legality, through introduction of rational and communicative procedures: procedures get fundamental importance because these will be the means to select the expectations to be introduced in the legal system in order to make decisions more fair, rational and qualified towards society. Thus, it is necessary to its opening to the environment for dialogue with the government. In this context, we try to make an analysis of constitutional norms based on systematic and teleological interpretation of these norms to build these arguments. According to the Constitution of 1988, participatory democracy is a result of the democratic principle (sole paragraph of art. 1 of the Constitution), and it is an expression of citizenship and political pluralism, both foundations of Republic (respectively Art. 1st, inc . V and II of the Constitution), as well as the national consciousness. From another point of view, that principle consists of an evolution in the management public affairs (principle of Republic). The right of interested participate in the rulemaking process derives both the principle of popular participation (part of the democratic principle) and the republican principle as the due process constitutional (art. 5, LIV and LV, CF/88) and the right to petition (Art . 5 °, inc. XXXIV, "a", CF/88), and it is the duty of the State not only be open to participation and encourage it. Ignoring stakeholder involvement in procedures and / or expressions compiled can be causes of invalidation of the rule of law produced by addiction of procedure, motive, motivation and/or because of the administrative act. Finally, we conclude that the involvement of stakeholders in the process of making rules within the independent regulatory commission is the legitimacy and the validity of rules; and that, despite of the expressions do not bind the decision making, they will enter the system as juridical fact, balancing the field of technical discretionary of agencies

Nietzsche e a modernidade: da crítica à metafísica à crítica à democracia

This dissertation presents an interpretation concerning the critical considerations of the German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche on Modernity, especially Nietzsche s criticism of Modernity, of Christian mores and democracy produced by him in Beyond Good and Evil. Nietzsche attentively analyses details of Modernity, produces a diagnosis of modern man and discovers the sign of decay. We consider that Nietzsche s criticism of modernity is directly linked to the criticism of classic metaphysics. We emphasize questions like: what in us aspires to truth? Christian mores: why and what for? What characterizes modernity? Could it be the appeal to the democratic taste? Is it possible to reinvent Modernity? We stress the relation between the notion of truth, democracy and Christian mores, showing that these mores were also inherited from the Socratic culture. We also intend to clarify Nietzsche s proposal of a new way of doing philosophy, that would be able to surpass the decay which rules in European modern culture. The end of this research points out to the ―philosophers of the future‖ who are able, according to Nietzsche, to claim life beyond the metaphysics opposition, beyond the good and the evil