48 resultados para Ciências política

em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)


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Investigar os fatores relacionados á percepção que os profissionais das equipes do Programa de Saúde da Família (PSF) possuem frente à realidade da política de atenção à saúde do idoso nas Unidades Básicas de Saúde dos municípios litorâneos do Estado da Paraíba. Trata-se de um estudo observacional descritivo com uma amostra constituída por 120 profissionais de saúde de três categorias distintas (enfermeiro, médico e odontólogo), sendo 104 respondentes como profissionais e 16 respondentes como coordenadores de equipes. A coleta de dados foi realizada através de um questionário auto-aplicável de avaliação fechada e de questões de múltiplas escolhas. Os dados foram processados e armazenados no Programa Estatístico SPSS versão 15.0 e analisados à luz da estatística descritiva. Os resultados indicaram que os profissionais tiveram dificuldade em perceber a realidade da política integral e integrada de saúde do idoso junto aos serviços de saúde em que atuam. O estudo revelou ainda a necessidade de uma definição de estratégias para qualificação dos profissionais garantindo à atenção integral à saúde do idoso sob uma nova visão de atuação

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This present dissertation has as its aim of study an analysis of the environmental policy and the urban development at the Periperi Hill. Such analysis arose due to concerns related to the disordered occupation in that Hill and also due to the environmental problems caused by this occupation. By opening roads and developing areas for housing and mineral extraction activities, man has altered considerably the landscape natural balance in that hill and caused among other difficulties, grave environmental problems, such as the erosin at the hill coast, deforestation, obstruction and pollution of the Verruga River. Therefore, in 1998 it was decreed by the Municipal Public Power that Periperi Hill became an Environmental Preservation Area with a Unit of Conservation known as Periperi Hill Municipal Park, an environmental policy implemented at the Hill that aims to hinder this occupation and to protect areas that are of great environmental importance to the city. It looking at what is now exposed and aiming to consider the Periperi Hill s environmental policy and the relationship of the occupation process, that this present work has the objective of understanding how the expansion of the city s urban network in Vitória da Conquista BA and the mineral activities cause an influence in the process of environmental degradation at the Periperi Hill

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The current National Policy for Social Assistance (PNAS) is the instrument that regulates the organization and procedures of social-welfare actions. Developed and approved in 2004 since the Unified Social Assistance System (ITS) was crated in 2003, it reaffirms the democratic principles of the Social Assistance Organic Law (LOAS) focusing on the universalization of social rights and equality of rights when accessing the social-welfare system. In the SUAS point of view, the PNAS highlights the information, monitoring and evaluation fields for being the best way to assure the regulation, organization and control by the Federal Government paying attention to the principles of decentralization and participation. This political-institutional rearrangement occurs through the pact among all the three federal entities. The pact deals with the implementation of the task. It says that it has to be shared between the federal autonomous entities, established by dividing responsibilities. To the cities, considered as the smallest territorial unit of the federation and closer to the population, was given the primary responsibility, which is to feed and maintain the database of SUAS NETWORK and identify families living in situations of social vulnerability. In addition to these responsibilities, the cities that have full autonomy in the management of their actions, have the responsibility to organize the basic social protection and the special social protection, that using the Center of Social Assistance Reference (CRAS) and the Center of Specialized Social Assistance Reference (CREAS), are responsible for the provision of programs, projects and services that strengthen the family and community; that promote people who are able to enjoy the benefits of the Continuing benefit of Provisions (BPC) and transfer of incomes; that hold the infringed rights on its territory; that maximize the protective role of families and strengthen its users organization. In Mossoró/RN, city classified as autonomous in the social assistance management, has five units of CRAS that, for being public utilities, are considered the main units of basic social protection, since they are responsible for the connection between the other institutions that compose the network of local social protection. Also known as Family House, the CRAS, among other programs and services, offers the Integral Attention to Families Program (PAIF), Juvenile ProJovem Program, socio-educational coexistence services programs, as well as sending people to other public policies and social-welfare services network, provides information, among others. In this large field, social workers are highlighted as keys to implement the policy of social assistance within the city, followed by psychologists and educators. They should be effective public employees, as a solution to ensure that the provision of the services are to be continued, provided to the population living around the units. However, what we can find here is inattention to the standard rules of social assistance, which not only undermines the quality of programs and services, but also the consolidation of policy on welfare as public policy of social rights

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This study was presented to the Post-Graduation Program in Social Sciences at UFRN as part of the requisites for obtaining the title of Master in Social Sciences. It describes the results of the research From social movements to the institutional functions: the consolidation of a generation . Its main objective is to describe the history of a political generation that emerged from the social movements, in the 80 s, in Sergipe, and that nowadays occupies the main governmental positions in the State s political scenario. As its specific objectives, the research described the emerging of social movements in the 80s in Sergipe; it found in the social movements in Sergipe, in the 80s, the beginning of the history of a new political generation, and described the consolidation of this new political generation in institutional positions as the expression of a new group of power in Sergipe s politics. Among the social movements that gained visibility in that period and that projected their leadership into the political scenario of Sergipe, this study highlights: the students movement, teacher s movement, bank clercks movement, miners movement, and rural workers movement. It utilized as methodology the research in sites, magazines, and the use of testimonies from semi-structured interviews. The main leadership of the five movements that were analyzed is, nowadays, governing the state, administering the capital s city hall, and performing legislative work at the Legislative Assembly of Sergipe, and at the Chamber of City Councilmen of Aracaju. This study described the political history of the main leadership of that generation of militants and organizers of social movements, and of left party groups in Sergipe, highlighting that their consolidation in the political scenario of the State meant the consolidation of a new group of power in Sergipe s politics.

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This paper examines two aspects. First, the symbolic dimension of politics and some of the elements that make up this universe, as the scenario, the representation, the myth, the spectacle, the media and the political and electoral marketing. We assume that the policy brings together a set of traits related to both reason and the human subjectivity, and can not be summed up in just a few calculations based on rationality. In the case of elections, in a process (ritual, according Irlys Barrier) of choice, there is a meeting of two systems of representations: to that transmitted by a political actor, in a scene from a particular context, based on a life trajectory unique, and the other from the public, crossed by social relations, situations own wishes, desires, expectations and unique perspectives. Between them there are the means of mass media (especially television), and with them the advent of language media and advertising applied to politics, changing the layout of public visibility and inaugurating what Rejane Accioly Carvalho will call the "aesthetics of mostrabilidade". This does not necessarily mean a preponderance of media on politics as a whole but only its adaptation to that with regard to contact with the public, the ad extra portion of the policy, according to Wilson Gomes. In a second aspect, try to apply these elements to a specific study to verify them in building an effective public image, in this case, the current governor of Rio Grande do Norte, Wilma de Faria. The concept of public image is from the book of Wilson Gomes The transformation was visible in the mass media, and relates to a conceptual image to fix "personality traits" through political history, personal conduct, action of image makers and the public reception. For this we will review some videos aired on Free Time for political propaganda in the years 2002 and 2006.

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This study discusses the use of communication strategies in the dispute for political hegemony in the contemporary society. In order to do so, one starts from the concept of politics in its broad sense, involving, besides parties and parliaments, the groups and organized social movements. The comprehension that the political activity, nowadays, involves the media, made part of this study be focused on the investigation of problems in this relationship. We analyzed, especially, the communication actions promoted by the Grupo Crítica Radical, in which participate, among others, Maria Luiza Fontenelle, former mayor of Fortaleza, and Rosa da Fonseca, former concillor. They left their old parties after a process of self-criticism concerning their incumbencies, partly influenced by the books of Robert Kurz about the collapse of capitalism . After this historical contextualization, one starts the analysis of the campaign Greve do Voto promoted by the Group during the municipal elections of 2004. The production of campaign material, the street drama, the small shows and the fact that the press covered the campaign are discussed starting from the theoretical formulations presented on this research, understanding, this way, the challenge of these groups to build an action against the hegemony allied to the universe of the mass media

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The dynamics of social fights in Santa Maria district, Aracaju, represents, in this study, the search process for understanding and analyzing the articulations of the social movements, their victories, and their ways of practicing politics, it proposes, therefore, a search for explanations and to reflect upon some issues such as: what are the dynamics of social fights and victories of the popular social movements is Santa Maria District? How do they work to solve their problems and to answer the demands along with the institutions that are responsible for the public policies in the district? With the answers to these and other questions, an analysis of the population‟s fights with the support of local social movements will be conducted. It will be done based on the historical-critical perspective of the social movements within the context of social live, through a qualitative approach based on semi=structured interviews applied to people who are close observers of the district‟s reality, and on the analysis of News contents that were published in two newspapers from Aracaju in previous years, especially from 2004 to 2008. In face of the material studied about the News from newspapers and the contents of magazines, it is evident that the local popular movements began as a new way of practicing politics that was characterized by a reproductive practice of the status quo. There is one perspective left for the population from Santa Maria District, that they demand the local leadership to take actions in face of their dynamic of fights

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The rural settlements represent a mark in the expensive historical process of fight by the land in Brazil. At first offer basic terms of survival, through the access the land and of the fundamental supports for exploration. At the same time, have stimulated organization forms politicizes of the families who manage to work with the new challenges of the everyday. The moment that follows the land conquest, and therefore, the settlements construction while life and work project, it is crossed for objective and subjective demands, with highlight for options of agricultural production and strategies of collective action. Originally formed as representation instance legitimates of the families - front to the government and social actors - the settlers associations are private spaces for political sociability, that guided by principles participative, can lead the settlers the new conquests through indeed democratic experiences. The goal of this work is to comprehend the participation forms in the scope of these associations and the way as that translates in life best terms for the group, from the settlements experiences located in the Territories of the Citizenship Mato Grande and Açu-Mossoró, in Rio Grande do Norte's State. The theoretical conceptions that guide this analysis are concentrate on discussions about democracy and participation (Patermam, Putnam, Bodernave) and in the reflections about the rural world (Medeiros, Martins, Woodman e Woodman and Bergamansco). About methodological, different point of view strategies were developed: The direct observation, the application in locate of questionnaires to the families settlers and interviews semi-structured with the internal leaderships. With that could verify that the participation forms in the associations operate in two heartfelt: Of a side, they promote assimilation opportunities of democratic abilities accompanied of notions of social rights and redefinition of political standards; Of another, it offers indeed the possibility of the settlers lead, with relative autonomy, the political organization and her changes in direction to a way of life that wish to have in the settling

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Este trabajo forma parte de una investigación cualitativa empírica que se ha realizado con el Movimiento Negro en Brasil, sobre todo en Uberlandia (MG), en busca de Políticas Públicas para la Promoción de la Igualdad Racial y sus conflictos históricos con la sociedad brasileña entre los años 1980 , 1990 y 2009. En cuanto a los objetivos generales destacan la variación en la forma de organización social y política de la comunidad Uberlandense negro, ya que es un ejemplo de los patrones de producción de la organización política y las correlaciones entre las múltiples formas de organización política de la población por la política pública Promoción de la Igualdad Racial, aprobada por el legislativo y constitucional

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The reality experienced by many families and individuals who seek and require the services of the Unified Health System - SUS, the relationships between users, health professionals, and political representatives, establishes the core of the issue that guides the choice and interest of this study concerning the prominence of clientelist practices and gifts that permeate the health field. The research is based on the analysis and reflection of the intrinsic relationship between the health and political fields. It analyses the health field and its relationship with the dynamics and developments of the local political scenario relating it to the implementation of the Family Health Program and Community Health Agents Program (PACS/PSF health programs) in the city of Mossoró, State of Rio Grande do Norte which refers to the period 1991-2010; and falls into a methodological perspective of qualitative approach. The methodological tools and techniques used were based on semi-structured interviews, direct observation of the field, journalistic texts and documentary sources. The construction and questioning of the object of the research were based on theoretical contributions from authors discussing the social field and symbolic power: Bourdieu (2005); clientelist relationships and gifts from asymmetric exchanges: Rouland (1997), Lanna (1995), Martins (1999), Carvalho (1999), Diniz (1982); exercise of hegemony and political strategy from authors who analyse this subject: Gramsci (1995), Coutinho (1981), and Gruppi (1978). Furthermore, the research has established dialogues with authors who address the dynamics of Brazilian politics such as Baquero (2001) and Weffort (1993). The collected data were subjected to qualitative content analysis. The results showed that with the implementation of the PACS/PSF programs in the aforementioned city, the health field has established itself as a key scenario for the exercise of political hegemony of the factions that dominate this socio-political context, resizing clientelist practices, however, without modifying the power structures within this social scenario

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The issue of public policy for the culture area has experienced a significant increase of interest of academic researchers. The research "Cultural Policy in infants: an evaluation of the home culture (2003/2010)" aimed to evaluate the effectiveness of cultural policy in Rio Grande do Norte in the period 2003/2010. When was the program created and deployed the houses of popular culture. Specifically, he sought: a) mapping the major elements of cultural policy in the RN during the chronological period mentioned b) hold up in more detail in the description of the implementation process of the houses of popular culture, c) investigate cultural actions implemented by the houses of popular culture and its effectiveness. The methodological process consisted of a review of the literature on culture, cultural policy, public policy and public policy evaluation for the construction of the theoretical-analytical, documentary research in public and private institutions related cultural production; interview with managers and cultural producers in visits field research conducted in seven major houses of popular culture, taken as a sample of the total d 29 outlets installed during the chronological period mentioned. The survey found that the program houses RN popular culture in general was effective in meeting its objectives, among which the decentralization of cultural inclusion in the artist market cultural production, the promotion of folk traditions in the region , respect and support for new artists, respect and support for popular memory

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We had as the problem of analysis in this research: what are the assumptions, principles and general content that based the Sistema Nacional de Avaliação da Educação Superior (SINAES). We started from the hypothesis that the general content of SINAES is essentially based on the assumptions and principles of a control/regulatory perspective of evaluation and a summative epistemology, objectivist and quantitativist, constituted by members who prioritize testing and classification of courses and institutions based on market values. The overall goal was to make a political evaluation of SINAES and the specific objectives were: a) apply the concepts of politics evaluation and meta-evaluation, b) identify the role of international organizations in education reform in the 1990s and its impact on superior education in Brazil c) redeem the concept of evaluation, especially in the field of studies in education; and d) investigate the evaluation policies of Brazilian superior education leading to SINAES. As for the technical procedures for collecting and analyzing data, the research was made with bibliography and documents, considering that it was developed by bibliographic sources and official publications. It was developed by crossing sources: texts or documents remitted to others; it was also concentrated: on the role of international organizations in educational and State reforms (in the 1990s); on the policies of evaluation of the Brazilian superior education (1980s and 1990s); on the proposal of the Comissão Especial de Avaliação (CEA); on the Law No. 10.861/2004; on the documents of CONAES; on the Decree No. 5.773/2006, and the MEC Regulatory Ordinances No. 4/2008 and No. 12/2008. It did not stop in the so called purely technical aspects, but in the ideological field itself. The research found that international organizations, notably the World Bank, played a political, intellectual and financial role determinant to the field of education, a fact that reflects in the legal framework. It was also found that the politics of evaluation of the superior education is historically marked by conflict, represented by two distinct perspectives of different natures and emphases. On one hand, the focus is on control / regulation, favoring efficiency, productivity and competitiveness benchmarking and prioritizing the punctual performance and measurement. On the other, it seeks to transform academic perspective in primarily formative / emancipatory, in order to support more institutional improvement. It was concluded that the CEA presented a conception evaluation predominantly formative and emancipatory, which emphasized the idea of system, centered around the institution and repudiated the rankings practices. In the post-formulation period, however, some of its principles were fragmenting and, gradually, the institution was giving way to the courses and the Exame Nacional de Desempenho de Estudantes (ENADE) grew in prominence. With the creation of the Conceito Preliminar de Cursos superiores (CPC) and of the Índice Geral de Cursos da Instituição de Educação Superior (IGC), it was redemeed the practice of evaluation as measurement and control, under the principles of efficiency and productivity. So, SINAES that seemed like a progressive evaluation method has assumed a setting that close resembles the Exame Nacional de Cursos (ENC-Provão). Nevertheless, the survival of institutional formative evaluation, in the superior education evaluation policies, still an issue in dispute

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Esta investigación tiene como objetivo realizar un estudio sobre el noticiero "Jornal do Dia" de la TV Ponta Negra, afiliada a la cadena de televisión SBT con sede en Natal / Rio Grande do Norte. El estudio evalúa, desde una perspectiva crítica, el comportamiento de la sección política de ese noticiero sobre la cobertura que ha estado haciendo sobre los acontecimientos políticos en el estado. Específicamente, estamos interesados en conocer, a través del estudio detallado de sus noticias, como los "hechos políticos" del Estado, entendida como una práctica política que se informó, se presentan en su noticiero. Del punto de vista metodológico, la investigación se toma la decisión de utilizar la hermenéutica de profundidad (HP) como propuesto por Thompson (2007) en su libro "La ideología y la cultura moderna". Sugerimosla HP porque es una referencial de alta eficacia analítica para el estudio de los medios de comunicación y en particularde la ideología. De este modo, como se versade una investigación sobre las "formas simbólicas" creemos que estamos en posesión de una importante herramienta metodológica capaz de permitir la comprensión e interpretación de las noticias diariamente "teleplasmadas"

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A dissertação avalia a efetividade do Programa de Desenvolvimento do Turismo na segunda fase (2005-2012) no município de Parnamirim/RN, busca-se verificar se este contribui para o desenvolvimento. Especificamente objetivou: a) Descrever as características e as ações do Programa de Desenvolvimento do Turismo no município de Parnamirim/RN; b) Identificar as percepções dos gestores públicos; da iniciativa privada e da sociedade civil a respeito da efetividade das ações do PRODETUR em Parnamirim e das repercussões do programa na qualidade de vida da população local; e c) Identificar as efetivações do PRODETUR na vida da população local que tenha participado de alguma ação do programa. Para tais pretensões, o percurso envolvendo a emergência e a consolidação do fenômeno turístico no seio da sociedade moderna, bem como o momento de intervenção do Estado no setor foi importante para verificar quais características estão imbuídas nas políticas públicas de turismo. Aliado a discussão do desenvolvimento para além do viés economicista, tendo as contribuições de Amartya Sen (desenvolvimento como liberdade) eixo norteador. Para a avaliação propriamente dita foram utilizadas as falas dos diversos atores locais envolvidos com o programa, compreendendo: gestão pública do turismo, iniciativa privada, sociedade civil e população local. Além de dados secundários coletados em instituições como IBGE e Secretaria Municipal/ Estadual de Turismo. Os resultados encontrados com a pesquisa nos mostraram que o PRODETUR II contribui com alguns elementos que podem cooperar para o desenvolvimento de Parnamirim/RN, pois este ocasiona efetivações significativas em cada bairro pesquisado. No entanto, é relevante observar que esses elementos estão aquém das reais possibilidades, uma vez que os resultados do programa poderiam ter sido mais substanciais. Neste sentido, ressaltamos que o fortalecimento da gestão pública e a mobilização da população local são elementos imprescindíveis para maior efetividade do PRODETUR nas próximas etapas

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The proposal of this study was to work with women in the politics, focusing on their trajectories, biographies and speeches, to catch the meanings given by themselves to their insertion in the political field. The privileged instrument of research was the autobiographical narratives of fifteen women who, in Paraíba, had participated of the electoral processes and the life partisan politics in the period from 1998 to 2008, in the state and federal scopes. This permitted us to search the dimension of their lived expericence, to understand the trajectories and the processes of autonomation of the women, in the politics. Moreover, a quantitative mapping of the feminine presence in the processes was made electoral politicians in a wider context. In a similar way, two surveys had been carried throughout the research, among others aspects, to understand that image voters and politicians they construct concerning the feminine participation in this field. These instruments were important not to lose of all the social view where these lives were developed, the places from which these women speak and locate and the social meanings originated from this participation. The research aimed to establish dialogues between knowing and fields of discipline, beyond the dichotomy of actor/structure, preventing generalizations that ignore the plurality of the individuals, to reveal some aspects of the complex and contradictory processes that involve their participation in the political field. At last, it is tried to show that, although the frequent accusations of autonomy lack, when establishing relations in the public space, the women, as all subjects, can reflect about themselves, the motives of their thoughts and their actions escaping from the servitude of the repetition and avoid being only product of the institution that formed them (CASTORIADIS, 1992, p.140-141)