8 resultados para Brasil - Política econômica - 1964-1966

em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)


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Nous nous proposons à analyser les usages politiques que le groupe lié au gouvernement Aluízio Alves a fait d’un complexe d’habitation s’appelé Cidade da Esperança, qui a été construit en Natal dans les années 1960. Ce nouvel espace a été utilisé pour solutionner la crise d’habitation dans la capital, dont le número de personne augmentait fortement. Cette élévation, néanmoins, n’a été pas accompagné pari passu pour l’expansion de l’offre des maisons pour le marché et ce pénurie se transformer dans un problème social e politique. La Cidade da Esperança, alors, a été une réponse de l’État à la population et entre ces dynamiques, le groupe du gouvernement Aluízio Alves a su explorer la question parce qu’il a utilisé l’espace pour négocier avec differents agentes sociaux et il aussi a réussi élire Agnelo Alves, le diretor de la construction, à maire de Natal. Par la construction de cette analyse nous utilisons le journal gouvernamental Tribuna do Norte et le journal catholique A Ordem. Ils ont représenté dans ces pages les problèmes de pénurie des maisons et aussi les appropriations de la Cidade da Esperança. Pour ça nous pouvons reconstruire ces processus historiques. Pour les journaux est possible connaître du quotidien des travaux, les actions des sujets réponsable et les tensions politiques du groupe aluizista avec l’autre lié à Dinarte Mariz. Ainsi, ils possibilites l’étude de l’utilisation de la Cidade da Esperança dans l’intérieur d’une réseau des tensions et l’examen de la recherche pour legitimité dans un champ politique très poralisé.

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A indústria de reciclagem vem se desenvolvendo no Brasil desde o começo dos anos noventa, o que resulta em elevados índices de reciclagem e tecnologia de ponta na reciclagem de alguns materiais. Requisitada como estratégia para a gestão dos resíduos no destino final, a reciclagem possui a particularidade de ser uma atividade econômica bastante rentável. Este artigo analisa os índices da indústria de reciclagem dos materiais no Brasil. Com base nos resultados obtidos através da consulta bibliográfica e dados estatísticos oriundos de fontes primárias e secundárias, conclui-se que a atividade da reciclagem dos materiais no Brasil se presta a satisfazer exclusivamente às demandas econômicas do setor. Neste sentido, a contribuição ambiental da reciclagem perde relevância visto que o crescimento da atividade está condicionado às demandas da cadeia produtiva industrial

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In the current systemic crisis, economic policy is directed to correct the consequences of the functioning of this metabolism, but within the limits of the capital. From this perspective, decision makers propose trade policies, agricultural and industrial to ensure conditions for economic growth. However, as a dead end, there is failure of the State in giving efficacy to the operation of all segments of the economy, especially given the budget constraint. Public managers are forced to seek external resources, resuming the cycle of political allegiance to the interests of international financial and banking representatives, installed in so-called multilateral. The complex ideological capital comes into play in trying to convince society that the paths taken by governments are inevitable, and that capitalism can be "humanized", even with the realization of the growing inequalities caused by historical irrationalism of the production process of capital . In this sense, emerging concepts that attempt to demonstrate the compatibility of the system to real human needs. This ideological offensive is intended to legitimize the capital. The so-called third sector has a special highlight with the concept of corporate social responsibility. It creates a political environment in which the inevitable mix-up with new illusions offered by and often funding the metabolism of capital in order to perpetuate this system. In this context, political elites, and considerable portions of the academy, embark on "waves of capitalist optimism," while the sociometabolismo capital expands its historical limits, driving forces postponing their collapse, but that cause human suffering and ecological stress. Wars are disseminated to strengthen the deadly war industry and the automobile industry; and devastating the environment of which depends the capital system. In this scenario disassemble, propositions emerge around a "new social pact" in order to minimize the adverse effects of the dynamics of reproduction of capital. The business class is called to exercise its role through the discourse that appeals to social responsibility programs, in order to intervene directly in the "social question". The core of this research is precisely this point. Although there is considerable scholarship on the phenomenon of Social Responsibility and Corporate Citizenship, there is also an evident lack of this approach focused on the banking sector in Brazil. The importance of rentier capital increased ownership of shares in the wealth produced by all of Brazilian society, justifies a sociological research project on Social Responsibility in the domestic financial sector. In this sense, it was decided to perform a dynamic approach to the "Corporate Citizenship" in the banking industry, specifically in the Bank of Brazil. As this is a key institution, is important analyze of the impacts of this strategy fetish of capitalist reproduction, in order to evaluate the social legitimization of rentier capital in Brazil. In this scenario of the abundance of the discourse on social responsibility there exist a progressive impoverishment of professional work in this segment in Brazil. There is a dramatic mismatch between rhetoric and practice because of the trend of deepening vulnerability of the working conditions of the Brazilian bank worker, from the 1990's. In the specific case of the Bank of Brazil, the first initiative of the institution was to conform to the principles of the UNO and the Ethos Institute, aiming to align their domestic policies to this new strategy of domination of capital. The purpose is to place the Bank in the ideological sphere of corporate social responsibility, just as with its partners in the private financial intercapitalist competition. Indeed, in the internal ambit of the Bank of Brazil, there is a policy to adjust its functional segments to the doctrine of Social Corporate Responsibility. The concepts of this doctrine is presented as something inexorable. There are no alternatives. The Bank of Brazil operates in a highly competitive market, the segment featuring the dominance of financial capital accumulation today. For this reason it can not fail to incorporate the technological advances organizational. For employees there is no alternative but to adapt to this new set of ideas proposed by the metabolism of capital

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The period post-war promoted several changes in relations economic, political and social world. Since then, a new division international of labor has delineated, with the great growth of Asian countries. In the field of international relations, the world still appears to transition is not completed because the old institutions were not replaced by new ones and the power of the United States as a major capitalist country remains unshaken, even with the emergence and strengthening of new economic global blocs. With globalization, Brazil emerges with more intensity in the face of new issues global, although its share in transactions trade global hasn‟t changed accordingly. In this sense, the objective of this dissertation is to examine, in a descriptive and critical the development of international relations and trade of Brazil and Rio Grande do Norte with the main blocs in the world from 1999 to 2008. As a secondary objective: to identify the assumptions theoretical that underpinned the decisions governments of the FHC and Lula, in particular, the interference of these terms in international relations and foreign trade. Adopted as the procedure methodological the literature review of the subject, as well as collection and processing of the data of foreign trade. During the Cardoso government has undergone the substantial growth in imports, as part of the economic policy of anti-inflationary, generating large deficits trade. From the first to the second term, with the inflection of exchange rate policy the country has resumed surpluses trade. The choice of government of the autonomy participation increased the relative share of the traditional blocks in total foreign trade and reduced the share of MERCOSUL. In the Lula government, there is the maintenance of some elements of the economic policy of the previous government and the partial shift in the conduct of foreign policy, with the option of autonomy through diversification, raising its stake on the blocks and other emerging countries in total foreign trade Brazilian and reducing the contribution of the traditional blocks such as NAFTA and the European Union. A trend observed in the previous government and deepened in the Lula government was the growth in commodity exports and the decline of manufactured products, confirming the model of conservative insertion of Brazilian exports. The Rio Grande do Norte followed the trend Brazilian in the growth of foreign trade, including in participating conservative, given that the products exported by the state are basically coming from horticulture irrigated and agribusiness. However, in the aspect of destination export, the state followed trajectory distinct from that in the Lula government, with the deepening of trade relations with traditional blocks, especially with the European Union and NAFTA

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The demand side growth accounting studies the demand aggregate component contributions in the Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Traditionally, international and national organizations that uses the traditional method for calculating such contributions. However, this method does not take into account the effect the induction of imports by the various components of aggregate demand on the calculation of these. As an alternative to this method are presented others studies that consider this effect, as the alternative method proposed by Lara (2013), the attribution method, proposed by Kranendonk and Verbruggen (2005) and Hoekstra and van der Helm (2010), and the method the sraffian supermultiplier, by Freitas and Dweck (2013). Was made a summary of these methods, demonstrating the similarities and differences between them. Also, in the aim to contribute to the study of the subject was developed the “method of distribution of imports” that aims to distribute imports for the various components of aggregate demand, through the information set forth in the input-output matrices and tables of resources and uses. Were accounted the contributions to the growth of macroeconomic aggregates for Brazil from 2001 to 2009 using the method of distribution, and realized comparison with the traditional method, understanding the reasons for the differences in contributions. Later was done comparisons with all the methods presented in this work, between the calculated contributions to the growth of the components of aggregate demand and the domestic and external sectors. Was verified that the methods that exist in the literature was not enough to deal with this question, and given the alternatives for contributions to the growth presented throughout this work, it is believed that the method of distribution provides the best estimates for the account of contributions by aggregate demand sector. In particular, the main advantage of this method to the others is the breakdown of the contribution of imports, separated by aggregate demand component, which allows the analysis of contribution of each component to GDP growth. Thus, this type of analysis helps to study the pattern of growth of the Brazilian economy, not just the theoretical point of view, but also empirical and basis for the decision to economic policies

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El estudo que ahora apresentamos habla a respecto ala transformaçión de la Asociación de maestros del Rio Grande del Norte (APRN en sindicato de los trabajadores en educación (SINTE) en el período de 1986 1990. Tratase basicamiente de las razones que llebaran historicamente la APRN la reorganizar sus luchas, su cultura política y el su movimiento reivindicatório; que impulsionaran la construción del próprio sindicato el único de la categoria, após el regime militar em el país especialmente en el gobierno Sarney, y en el ánbito estadual com la resistência la política econômica y la repreción policial del gobierno Geraldo Melo, la época. El estudo también apunta algunas caraterísticas marcantes del contexto histórico de la educación nacional, enfatizando la asención de la escuela nueva en el Brasil en las décadas de 1920 y 1930, inclusive delante del movimiento sindical, controlado por el gobierno Vargas que tênia uma praetica corporativista. Es importante decir que esas características estavan juntas del contexto local, en el rato en que se percebia la primer gestan del prof Anfilóquio Cámara, como el primer presidente de la APRN, al partir de la su fundación (1920), y que tênia um relacionamento bastante estrecho com el poder público estadual de caráter liberal. Habia una discución sobre la abertura política y la atuación política de las clases médias brasileñas ya em 1979, y al mismo tiempo analisabase el desencandeamiento del nuevo sindicalismo en el ABC Paulista, mientras uno movimiento sindical, autônomo y democrático que tênia el objetivo de juntar lãs luchas de los operários dentro y fuera de las fábricas reivindicando basicamiente: la redución de la jornada del trabajo, reajuste de sueldo y condición del trabajo, bien como lãs sus consecuencias para el movimiento de los educadores potigurares. Al hacer en septembre de 1989, el sindicato de los trabajadores en educación del Rio Grande del Norte se desvincula definitivamiente de uma estructura sindical vertical (tradicional), que la ex-APRN herdo al longo de su História del gobierno Vargas, siempre controlada pelo Estado y que en las décadas de 1980 y 1990 fue fortalecido por la CNTE (Confederación Nacional de los Trabajadores en la, educación), principalmente, a partir del Congreso Nacional de Unificación de los Trabajadores en la Educación, realizado en Aracaju/SE em el período de 25 a 28 de enero de 1990 en el sentido tambien de las sus principais reivindicaciones: escuela pública, gratuita y de cualidades en todos los pasos, verbas públicas solamiente para las escuelas públicas, reposición de los reajustes de sueldo, condición del trabajo, sueldo unificado nacional y la eradicación del analfabetismo

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In a country of continental dimensions as Brazil, one of the top challenges to its economic growth is the logistic related to energetical demand supply. We live now in the era of environmental protection and, in this new context of priorizations, it passes trough the search for alternative energies for the energetic matrix, due the petroleum elevated costs in the global market (and its finitude), but also due its pollution over the environment. This attempt of substitution needs solutions related to the national reality, into a national long term developing plan and based at a juridical-economic analysis of its realization. This study will look for, also based in an economical analysis, the juridical legitimity of choosing natural gas as the new protagonist of national economic growth (as a substitute of petroleum) and the necessary boost that must be done by law, based on an economic policy focused strictly for that fact, as a modifying agent of this reality. This study, therefore, will always be turned to a constitutional aspect, respecting the principles of economic order and the goal of reducing regional inequalities, which must influence the making off of a developing plan. At the end, it will try to demonstrate the juridical viability of such undertaking, tuned in jus-economical criteria. Another goal is related to the analysis of the natural gas industry, due the regulation of its transport has a major importance for national energetic integration, not only because this activity be characterized as a net industry, still under control of a natural monopoly, but also because the competitive or cooperative profile that should be priorized at the beginning of the economic planning for this activity (such as investment policies and its own rules that will submit private agents)

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This work examines the results of the selecting process to enter Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte called Vestibular, in 2001, 2003, 2005 and 2007, in relation to the necessary knowledge presented by the candidates in the Geography area. It observes the contents in the discursive exams and its corresponding results discussing them from the official curriculum of the Secondary School, as it is stated in the official documents of Ministério da Educação(MEC): Parâmetros Curriculares Nacionais do Ensino Médio (PCNEM), Orientações Curriculares Nacionais para o Ensino Médio (OCNEM) e Orientações Educacionais Complementares aos Parâmetros Curriculares Nacionais (PCN+ do Ensino Médio). We aim to highlight what are the contents and background of the Geography curriculum according to the orientations of the official curriculum; discuss in what measure these contents are present in the questions and in the correct answers of the candidates as well as reflect upon what possibly is suggested by those results concerning the knowledge presented in the answers. In this investigation process, the history of the teaching in Brazil is taken up together with the statistical data about the Fundamental School and about Higher Education in the last years. Both map the scenario in which this research takes place as well as make knowledgeable some variables such as: cultural, economical, political and social structures. The discussion takes place between the curriculum and the teaching, Geography teaching and Secondary School in Brazil articulating these variables with the question of accessibility to Higher Education through the Vestibular . Despite the limitations of this research in terms of methodology and deepening of analysis, the results led us to important observations which can contribute to the understanding of that the students´ performance in the Geography examination has several outspreads. These must be thought with scientific exactness in order to avoid any rushed and careless explanations leading to conclusions that may have serious consequences for the teaching systems and the students