5 resultados para America Central - Politica e governo

em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)


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The aim of this study is the labour market at Natal Metropolitan Region with emphasis in occupations and incomes that took place at the nineties. The definition of its chronological boundaries passed by verification of existence of evident socio-spatial impacts for output, occupation and income in national economy, with rebounds in all national territory, conditioned by institutional and socio-economical transformations which marked Brazilian insertion to capital flows and commodities globalization movement that took place at the cited decade. It has been shown that such impacts did not distributed themselves equally between diverse spatial levels (great regions, federate unities, municipalities) because of historical specificities in each place in terms of output structures and organization of distinct social agents. Having as its basis the Marxist perspective, it tackled theoretically occupations and incomes, transformations in labour universe occurred at world level, mainly in most urbanized areas, and following that to focus changes occurred in Brazilian society related to the search for competitive insertion in global economy during the period regarded. Special attention was gave to Natal Metropolitan Region, because it was historically a concentration area for investments, productive structure, people, occupations and incomes generated/appropriated in Rio Grande do Norte State. The basic data sources for research were the demographic Census (micro data) made by the Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística (IBGE) intending to present the structure and the labour market dynamics, having as basis: 1) traditional indicators about labour market; 2) sectors of economic activities and 3) social positions and classes segments. One of the purposes is the demonstration that occupations and incomes keep relation with the restructuring which occurred in each specific sector during the period. Other purpose is to make explicit the factors which bear the participation of distinct segments in production or service execution that make possible the different participation in income distribution. Results are revealing the increasin precariousness in labour market, enlargement of occupations in tertiary sector and greater concentration of average incomes in the social segments which were owners of the greatest capital allowances between residents in Natal Metropolitan Region during the nineties

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This work aims to analyze the interpretations about Evo Morales' government in Bolivia. For such, it proposes a theoretical reclaim of Marxism in Latin America, as well as of Bolivian political history since the 1952 Revolution, going through the crisis in Pacted Democracy intensified in the five-year conjuncture of struggles started in 2000 up to the election and reelection of Morales. It departs from an empirical prior conjecture taken from a qualitative analysis and a broad literature review to analyze the different interpretations of the Bolivian political process from Marxist theoretical matrices. After this historical recovery and this reading of contemporary Bolivia, it concludes with a consideration about the formation of a possible new block of power in the country, with the retaking of nationalism and Indianism as revolutionary reasons

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The present work aims to analyze the several proportional electoral systems from the contemporaries democracies in order to, in the end, purpose a system that better fits to the constitutional Brazilian order. In this direction, we pursued to indicate the main virtues and imperfections in proportional electoral systems in use in more than two hundred countries, especially relating to the positive and negative effects that these systems inject in the party systems, in the governability and in the representativity. In order to collect elements, and also before getting to the work s main point, other issues were approached, even in a shortened way. Nevertheless, in a position taking, we conclude the work opting for a proportional electoral system that potencializes the constitutional principles of representativity and governability as well as prints a party system strong and strict, once these are the depositaries of a democracy compromised with the Brazilian society

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Brazilian constitution says that all Brazilians have basic survival rights such as education, sanitation and food, but these basic rights are luxury for some. So, thinking about this, this paper aims to develop a critical analysis about the (re)production of the discourse on poverty, and consequently on the poor, given by the federal government, through the official website of the program Brazil Without Poverty (Brasil Sem Pobreza), the media, represented by Veja magazine, and by those who affirm to be representatives of the poor; like the Single Central Slums (Central Única das Favelas CUFA). Our aim is to present a critical reflection on the discourses about the poverty in the voices of the government, Veja magazine (media representative) and CUFA (poor representative) and their contribution to the development of the meanings of the theme in Brazilian society. In order to do so, we have identified categories based upon Bajoit (2006a) to classify which the author calls faces of poverty . We have used the Sociological and Communicational Discourse Approach (ASCD) as developed by Pedrosa (2012a, 2012b, 2012c), within the Critical Discourse Analysis as theoretical apparatus, and also the studies in which the ASCD is built upon such as Sociology for Social Change (BAJOIT, 2006), the Cultural Studies (HALL, 2005), and the Functional Systemic Linguistic, especially the Evaluating System (MARTHIN & WHITE, 2005, VIAN JR et al, 2011). Thus, the discourse on poverty or on fighting poverty, extracted from news, chronicles and other genres of the mentioned vehicles, are taken as object of study to understand identities that are created and renewed on poverty and on the Brazilian poor, as their dependence on the government and civil society, their exploitation by the economy, and even the media that sometimes features them as delinquent

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The provident rights were results of intense fights in between the capital and work, claiming the interventions of the state for the creation of an ample social protection system. In Brazil the law, Providence Social mark, dated 1923, from then on, the advances and extensions were many, of this diverse categories of politics. Mean while, in the 1990 s, the Brazilian government adopted the examples of other developed countries, the new pattern that hinted the realization of substantial changes on the states purpose, the reached rights and the proper organization of working classes. For the Social Providence, the principal loses turned out in 1998 and 2003; respectively in FHC governments and Lula, with the realization of two counter reforms that restricted the provident rights and motivated the privatization of public providence. In the scenery, the CUT, one of the representative organizations from working classes, founded in 1983, that has always itself with changed direction, from fighting to negotiating. This inflection determined the proposition of the center before the offers of the counter reforms, of Social Providence. The present work has the objective to analyze the social politic content of the fights from Brazilian union movement in the period of the conquests and disassembled rights and, to analyze the proposition, acting and offers from CUT in the counter reform period from Providence in the Government FHC and Lula. To perform this study beyond the essential bibliographical revision to found and deepen the subject, we use, the documental search through the internet pages, resolutions, informations and others publications from CUT. Using CUT in the governments worked in an elegant way, the FHC government against-reforms, showed itself through diverse actions, even though they didn t have homogeneous inside, contrary the neoliberalists politicians from this government, also the offers and precaution changers. While during the reign of Lula it shoved itself priority negociative and propositive