737 resultados para CNPQ::LINGUISTICA, LETRAS E ARTES::ARTES: DESIGN
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Creative industry has promoted and strengthened the growth of various economic sectors in Brazil and abroad, thus stimulating the local economy in places with attractive and innovative sceneries for the consumer market. This essay focuses on studying the relevance of cultural events for the creative economy, and these may contribute to the social, cultural and economic development in Pipa, located in Rio Grande do Norte (Brazil). Cultural events promote a themed and creative environment which has worked as attraction mechanism for the increase of cultural, gastronomic and social leisure consumptions. Cultural and thematic events has been held in Pipa, such as Festival Literário da Pipa, Fest Bossa & Jazz da Pipa, Festival Literário Alternativo da Pipa and Festival Gastronômico da Pipa, which can attract the local, state, national and international audience. The research is characterized as a qualitative research about the problem approach. The field research is characterized by the ethnographic approach, using the techniques of participant observation, semi-structured interviews and photographic record. With the research results, we can point that Pipa promotes cultural events that move the economic dynamics, social and cultural, inserting new cultural habits in this urban space, and in some cases, rescuing the history of the place. In each event, the economic and political forces connect themselves to promote the infrastructure of these events, supporting the provision of services and products from the creative and cultural sectors. The theming of the studied events plunges the audience into stories that may have (or not) a connection to the local history. Therefore, it is perceived that this work brings the light to a place that presents itself as the protagonist of the state of Rio Grande do Norte in terms of renewal and economic, social and cultural change in its infrastructure and its potential for tourist attraction from the creative and cultural sectors.
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The Brazilian prison system is going through a serious crisis, not only due to the growth in the number of prisoners and the consequent overcrowding of prisons, but also for the violation of human rights, institutionalization and difficulty in social rehabilitation of inmates. Furthermore, the harmful effects of the prison system affect their workers, who generally are not prioritized by researchers, health programs and government policies. The literature pointing to some consequences of work in prison, among them, the mental illness, stress, alcohol abuse, etc., but little is known about this profession, their problems, the difficulties of their work routine, so as subjective processes involved. So, what are the effects of this work in the prison in the lives of correctional officers? What strategies developed to address the work in prison? This research aims to analyze the effects of this work in the prison in the lives of correctional officers from the state prison in Parnamirim, located in the metropolitan region of Natal-RN. Within the theoretical and methodological perspective of institutional analysis and cartography were carried conversation circles, interviews, in addition to participant observation of the correctional officers work’s routine. The results point to a working routine marked by the performance of procedures that involve risk to the worker, generating situations of tension and stress. Besides, the culture of violence (which is implemented in jail everyday) as well as the training and initial learning of the profession, are responsible for the militarization process of the subjectivities of the correctional officers, producing hard subject, disciplined, stiff, likely to violent practices and other rights violations. Other mapped effects relate to the acquisition of knowledge about the human (“psy” knowledge) responsible for forging the conception of the criminal as "dangerous subject", which, in turn, acts as subjectivity vector in the daily life of prison guards by setting up a way of life crossed by fear and insecurity outside the work environment. Produces a control in the open about their lives and their families, limiting them with regard to family and community life and the realization of leisure activities in public spaces. In this sense, it appears that the arrest acts producing “bad meetings” (from Espinosa's perspective), once it produces sad affections responsible for weakening the conatus, limiting the possibilities of action of these subjects. Although agents develop some strategies to deal with the difficulties of working in prison (among which stand out the development of other professional or leisure activities, spirituality / religiosity and the ability to separate the labor moments from those of their the personal lives, is advocated that such strategies do not offer significant resistance, since they do not question the contemporary legal-criminal logic. The thesis presented supports the proposals of penal abolitionism to present other conceptions of crime and justice through the invention of other practical and conceptual strategies.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES
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This study investigated the intention of the older workers to continue working after state pension age/time. On this way, it explores the relation between this intention and factors related with the meanings of the work and retirement. Specifically, it was examined that factors related to work and non-work are predictors of the intention to continue working, and it was explored if meanings of retirement are linked to this decision. It is a crosssectional mixed methods study, using a survey conducted with 283 federal civil servants of a federal Northeastern University which were near retirement. It envolved an on-line questionnaire, with open-ended questions and the likert-type scale "Older Worker's Intention to Continue Working" (OWICW) of Shacklock and Brunneto (2011), which was validated to the Brazilian version. The quantitative data were analyzed using descriptive and multivariate statistics, specifically procedures for comparing means and coefficients of multiple logistic regression. The qualitative data were analyzed using the lexicographical technique Descending Hierarchical Classification. The findings indicate that most participants want to continue in paid work, and that perception of personal autonomy at work, interpersonal relationships at work, interests outside of work, and flexible working arrangements are significant predictors of intention to continue working. Furthermore, the perception of personal autonomy at work, flexible working arrangements, and the financial incentives are predictors of decision to postpone retirement and remain in the organization. The analysis revealed five patterns of meanings of retirement: "worker's right", "resting", "idle time at home", "new stage in the life course", and "enjoy the use of time”. The decision to postpone retirement is linked to idleness and lack of substitutionary activities work, and the decision to stop working linked to retirement as a life with more quality. The study provides information that can contribute with management policies before the process of retirement decision.
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In the late 1980s, the quilombola (or maroon) communities emerged on the Brazilian public scene. They established themselves as new collective subjects and ethnic groups, in a historical moment of sensitive political changes in several social conflicts and struggles, both in Brazil and in Latin America. Because of their socio-cultural and historical singularities, these communities have self-identified in the same collective expression and have organized in search of recognition and respect for their rights. Quilombo communities and other self-labeled as "traditional communities" seek to reaffirm their differences in opposition to a conscious colonizer cultural project and re-signify their memories and traditions, that serve as reference in the construction of alternative production projects and community organization. One of the distinguishing characteristics of this quilombola political emergence process is the territorial nature of the struggles, manifested in at least two directions: on the one hand, the struggle for legal and formal recognition of a given space, i.e., the regularization and titling of occupied territories, considering that the Brazilian Constitution of 1988 recognizes the right of these communities to the final possession of the traditional lands. On the other hand, the struggle for recognition of their territoriality in a broader sense, not necessarily restricted to the demarcated area, but as the recognition of a culture and its own way of life, that originated historically in these territories. The current accomplishments and challenges of the Brazilian quilombola communities are well exemplified by the quilombo of Acauã, in the Poço Branco municipality of Rio Grande do Norte. The last fifteen years have been marked by important changes in this community, which has gained visibility and has emerged as a new political player. Acauã identified itself as quilombola community in 2004, the same year that it formalized its political structure, through the creation of the Association of Residents of Quilombo Acauã (AMQA, in Portuguese). Also in 2004, it requested to the National Institute of Colonization and Land Reform (INCRA, in Portuguese) the opening of the process for regularization and titling of quilombo territory, which is at an advanced stage, but so far without definitive resolution. This study aims to understand the process of territorialization (struggle for territorial claim) played in the last fifteen years by the community of Acauã.
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The present study aims to analyze the spatial organization of the Ribeira district in Natal/ RN from the two circuits of the urban economy. For its realization, was used the bibliographical, documentary and field research. From the information collected in the field research and of secondary data was elaborated the maps, tables, graphics, frames and photographic collections. In the analysis of the results identified the presence of two circuits of the urban economy in the said neighborhood, thus as the predominance of the upper circuit compared to the lower circuit between the surveyed establishments, well as the role that each of the circuits represents to their spatial organization. Some variables such as technology, organization, information, publicity and consumption were important to establish the main differences between the circuits.
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Contemporary society lives surrounded by various types of risks, causing individuals to be taken by a constant feeling of fear and insecurity, as the negative risks, always bring some harm to the population directly or indirectly involved. The city of Natal has several risk areas, especially on the outskirts of the city, due to the occupation of spaces that have laws and / or natural physical limitations as well as the lack of urban organization, thus increasing the vulnerability of the population living in these areas. The principal objective of this research was to map the areas of social vulnerability and natural hazards in Natal, taking into account the interrelationships between social vulnerability and differential exposure to natural hazards. Therefore, it was necessary to establish, according to the methodology used, the degree of social vulnerability and vulnerability to natural hazard in which individuals are subject, to establish the relationship between society/ risks. In this case, the methodology proposed by Crepani (2001) which is based on ecodynamic Tricart (1977), which classifies the areas of risk and the degree of vulnerability of these areas according to the morphodynamic processes for preparation of the Vulnerability Index was used Physical natural, and for organizing the social Vulnerability Index adopted an adaptation of the Paulista social Vulnerability Index, prepared by SEADE (Fundação Sistema Estadual de Análise de Dados) of the State of São Paulo, drawing on data that denote social disadvantage at the census tract level. Then, with the superposition of these two indices, it was elaborated a Socioenvironmental Vulnerability Index. Thus, it is concluded that besides spatialize areas of risk which indicates the degree of vulnerability of individuals potentially exposed to natural hazard.
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This work was built aiming to present how they built the speech of the presidential administration of George W. Bush to engender the Wars on Terror. Through an analysis of sources, magazines, newspapers and official speeches of the President; construct a survey that shows the process of development discourse of the U.S. government in order to make credible to the world the existence of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq. To accomplish this feat, the first attempts to deconstruct the work that would be the terrorist and their actions against the hegemonic governments, and perform an important discussion with the theme of the story of the present time and the need for a search like this nowadays. To deconstruct the idea of being a terrorist present as President George W. Bush uses the attacks of September 11th and fear as tools to build a war with a real intentionality toward the conquest of Iraqi oil and finish a task that his father, George H. Bush had left unfinished.
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The purpose of this paper is to analyze how Gustavo Barroso sought to discursively construct what would be the Brazilian spatiality through an Interpretation of national history marked by the Jewish conspiracy theory, a racist doctrine in various aspects dialogued with Nazi doctrine, and the thought the Catholic Restoration. Writing that built a given image of the nation. Writing and producing product that is the source of other discourses that operate on the world, appointing him, enveloping him in a load of meanings. Interpretations of time and space that discursively construct realities and ways of being in the world. For the development of this work we will focus mainly on the analysis of the literature of the period integralist Gustavo Barroso since the year 1933 until the year 1937, as well as undertake an analysis of the Cohen Plan, which we understood to be the heir of a grid of thought that falls in line with the theories of political and racial anti-Semitic plot. Thus, we assume that it is necessary to think of the space also in their political and cultural dimensions, and with an barrosiana significance of national space, expressed in the discursive field, the result of a given historical moment and engaged with certain power relations, which unfold through complex relationships, we understand that Barroso made the reading of the Brazilian nation would be its own representation.
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On the evening of April 1, 1981, the city of Santa Cruz was taken by a flood that destroyed the spillway weir Santa Cruz and much of the city, causing the population of the lower areas to abandon their homes. Residences and closest to the dam, the river and the creek Trairi Sin streets were totally affected, and many of the houses and public buildings completely destroyed. Located in the state of Rio Grande do Norte, the city of Santa Cruz is marked by a very hot climate and semi-arid. With an average normal rainfall of 498.7 mm per year, the city is affected by drought since the beginning of its foundation, around the year 1831. For its development had continued, it was necessary that the population actualize various environmental interventions Nature, especially as regards the storage and distribution of water. Considering the process of occupying the space in question, as well as the relationships that human groups have with the natural environment, we aim to analyze how human interventions affect the environment around them, modifying it to meet their needs and interests. Thus, we intend to understand how media coverage enabled the construction of a framework of tragedy. We intend to observe how the occupation of Santa Cruz led to the modification of their surroundings, trying to discuss the effects of human intervention on natural disasters. Among the research sources include newspapers A República, Diário de Natal, Tribuna do Norte, O Poti and Folha de São Paulo, as well as interviews with the then mayor of Santa Cruz, Hildebrando Teixeira de Souza, and with the couple José Henrique de Pontes and Severina Aguida de Pontes, whose house was hit by the flood. We will also take messages from the state government, the minutes of the city council of Santa Cruz and reports produced by DNOCS on the construction of the weir and its survey after the flood.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES
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This work has as objective to analyze the social movement called Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra and their relation to land reform from the idea of nation. In the decade of its emergence, 1980, Brazilian nationalism was deeply tied to aspirations for democracy and this consisted of a kind of political language of the period that included not only the MST, but also conservative sectors of Brazilian politics. The MST then develop a way to realize their different social function of the movements that preceded it as the Ligas Camponesas, incorporating the element of the nation as political capital to strengthen their practice. This relationship will be studied from a debate on contemporary Marxism and its key concepts.
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This research has vegan groups in the city of Natal-RN as interlocutors, although I also report to other research contexts, such as those located in the cities of Recife (Pernambuco State) and Campina Grande (Paraíba State). Moved by ethical principles based on animal rights, vegans refuse to consume any product with animal origin. To the extent that consumption habits can be considered powerful elements of identification, the relationship between consumption, food, identity, and politics is an important analytical key in the development of this work. As my main theoretical question, I follow the ways by which the vegan discourse (of abolitionist character) takes shape and materializes into actions, demonstrations and political mobilization. Therefore, I aim to present an ethnography of activities performed collectively by these individuals, such as those of a more ludic character (picnics, etc.) as well as those more politically oriented, especially protests and demonstrations in public places.
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The formulation of public policies, particularly those relating to social housing – SH -, follow a dialectical process of construction, which are involved in the figures of the State and tha Market.The combination of the State and Market remains in constant tension and struggle for power, which provides beyond products (policies, programs and projects), periods of crises and disruptions that can give rise to new institutional arrangements. It is possible to verify a change in the relationship between the State and the Market in the formulation of public policies of SH financing, justified by the context of the Brazilian economy growth, especially after 2003, year that began the first Lula Federal Government , and through the international financial crisis (in 2008). Thus, the State and the Real Estate Market has been undergoing a process of redefinition of their interrelations, articulating new arrangements, new scales of action and new logics of financial valorization of urban space. This peculiarity demanded the rapid thinning of speech and the proposals in the reformulation of housing policies, with the primary result within the pre-existing Growth Acceleration Program – PAC -, the release of My House , My Life – PMCMV -, established by Law 1.977 of the year 2009. Given the above, this research has as study object the relationship between financing public policies of SH, promoted by the State, and behavior of Formal Housing Market. It is believed that the established roles for each agent in the new housing finance model introduced with the PMCMV, have been adapted according to the needs of each location to make this a workable policy. It remains to identify the nature of these adaptations, in other words, what has changed in the performance of each agent involved in this process. Knowing that private capital remains where there is more chance of profit, we tend to believe that most of the adjustments were made on scale of State action. The recommendation of easing urban legislation taken by PMCMV points to how the State has been making these changes in activity to implement the production of social housing by this program. We conclude that in the change for PMCMV, the direct relationship for construction and housing projects financing began to be made between the Caixa Econômica Federal bank and the builders. The city was liberated from the direct interlocutor role between all actors involved in the production of SH and could concentrate on negotiating with the parties, focused on the effectiveness of SH public policies proposed by PMCMV. This ability and willingness for dialogue and negotiation of municipal government (represented by their managers), undoubtedly, represents a key factor for rapprochement between State and Real Estate Market in the City of Parnamirim.
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This work aims at reconstructing the formulation process of PRONERA (National Program of Education in Agrarian Reform). A public policy that had its first ideas conceived within social movements and afterwards, made possible by diligences of then government. Therefore, the Program was rendered in a partnership among State, social movement, public institutions, and non-governmental organizations. As a goal, we intend to grasp both what motivated the choice for this proposal as a strategy to face educational problems in rural areas and how the actors, entities involved in this enterprise and the social-political context have influenced its formulation and entry in the governmental agenda as Public Policy. Thus, we reconstruct the history and education policy of and in rural areas. Besides, we seek to understand the context of PRONERA's conception, the factors that have influenced its creation and the actors' performances in the process. It is assumed that under the 1988 Constitution, civil society was provided with legal conditions for the active participation in political process and, consequently, in the public policy-making. We conclude, then, that PRONERA was the result of the crossing of three different flows (problems, solutions and policies) advocated by the Kingdon model. As a result, this analytical repertoire was useful to explain PRONERA’s entry in the government agenda, helping to understand how the chances of this social demand increased with an action from the politic community. It allowed its way in the government agenda as well as its becoming a public policy.