49 resultados para Dominação ideológica


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The discourse about love, in the Western modern world, is an effect of the power that constructs bodies that matter, paraphrasing Butler, which represents a performative reiterarion of the domination drive, forming and ego of love through the imposition of a cultural super-ego. The domination, a real process of social constraint, is concomitant to its ideological secret, which lead us to the expression domideology , inspired by Sousa Filho, to determine the unconscious domination of the ideological discourse, Through a critical analysis of the bases of Freudian discourse about love, we question, inspired by Foucault, the sexual nature of the drive, to put it in a place insecure of critics to the substance metaphysics expression used by Nietzsche. In our point of view, the domination drive is a critical tool for the individual to think about, as interpellated by the love domideology , making believe the only interpretation of the social interchange is love, nuclear element of our modern Western love complex

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El presente trabajo discute la Educación para la Ciudadanía en la Educación Superior, destacando los desafíos y las potencialidades de la Universidade do Estado do Rio Grande do Norte (UERN); que organiza su acción política y pedagógica conforme a las exigencias de la actual política educacional para este nivel de educación. Analiza la relación de ésta con la Educación Básica a partir del estudio del Proyecto Pedagógico del Curso de Ciencias Sociales discutiendo la educación para la ciudadanía y la formación ciudadana de los futuros profesores de la educación básica en consonancia con la LDB 9.394/96, con las Directrices Curriculares Nacionales para los cursos de Docencia y además para programas y políticas de orientación para la educación superior que resultaron de la conquistas de los movimientos sociales y que son propuestos por medio de las siguientes secretarías: Secretaria de Educação Continuada, Alfabetização e Diversidade (SECAD) y Secretaria de Educação Superior (SESu). La reflexión incluye el estudio de tales temáticas en el eje de temas emergentes que organizan el debate educacional, sobretodo en América Latina, y los desafíos de las universidades que actúan en el contexto de la periferia en la desconstrucción del dominio simbólico del colonialismo cultural y la construcción de la globalización alternativa y contra hegemónica a la globalización neoliberal. El estudio evidencia que la idea de ciudadanía en la sociabilización contemporánea presenta una ambigüedad política consecuente de los procesos de globalización creciente siendo necesario que la perspectiva de la educación para la ciudadanía adoptada en la formación de los profesionales de a educación sea re politizada a partir de la noción de ciudadanía colectiva y multicultural apoyada en los principios de democracia y justicia social, construida en las interfaces de la educación escolar y prácticas educativas en lo entorno social, y en los espacios políticos de organización y movilización colectiva en torno de las conquistas por los derechos civiles, sociales, políticos y culturales, y la inclusión de temas y valores emergentes en la educación que interligados e interdependientes, garanticen su efectividad

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The main objective of the present research is to reflect on the affinities between post-colonial theories - analytical perspectives directed toward the discussion of colonialism and its effects on the contemporary social fabric - and Brazilian educator, Paulo Freire‟s (1921-1997) Pedagogy of the Oppressed, written at the end of the 1960‟s. The study aims to make the argument that the present reflections on the featured work is an example of a post-colonial theoretical framework, delineating a critical modus operandi of colonialism, particularly in its cultural and epistemic dimensions, delineating a problematization of the processes of cognitive domination set, above all, by the European colonization of the Latin American continent, with the formation of the modern-world-system (WALLERSTEIN, 2007), dated from the 16TH Century forward. From this stand point, and especially supported by the contributions of Boaventura de Sousa Santos on the sociology of absence, the present work accentuates Pedagogy of the Oppressed as a set of reflections that bring the possibility of a pedagogy of absence (SANTOS, 1996), having in mind that, this book deals with, the presuppositions of an educational action, which considers the plurality of knowledge and social practices by way of the establishment of a pedagogical practice of collective construction, emancipator and dialogic that arises from the encounter to the indolent reason (SANTOS, 2009) in which the silencing of the voices of the oppressed, construct their conditions of invisibility, promoting also the absence of the social questions inherent to the processes of teaching and learning. It is with this perspective, however, that post colonialism is considered a theoretical site for the affirmation and the reinvention of the Pedagogy of the Oppressed, an obligatory reference in the construction of a prudent knowledge for a decent life (SANTOS, 2006)

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This research aims to investigate the effectiveness of the legal labor phenomenon in contemporary capitalism as rectifier element of the contradictions between capital and labor. From the analysis of legislative developments - state and business - and court decisions related to the category of freight transport is expected to determine the protectionist stiffness proclaimed by the institutional structure of labor in Brazil, considered by the hegemonic discourse as political-economic factor that prevents growth. It is intended to unravel the relationships between political and civil society, studying the internal contradictions and ideological influence among these spaces, with theoretical support in Marx and Gramsci. The function of this research is to test the premise that the protectionist discourse is a rational action of capitalism and the organic intellectuals of political society in order to achieve hegemony and hide the real contradictions between capital and labor, in addition to also assist in the discussion on deregulation and easing in Brazil. The analysis points to the confirmation of our premise, since the evolution of the legal phenomenon in the transport sector was charging toward the neoliberal project

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This work is an attempt to show that the ideological conflict that has been developed by the hegemony of the 1930 Revolution historical events in Paraíba, conceptually turned into an insoluble social contradiction. It ocurred due to imaginary or formal resolutions of the literature that ended up by altering the epistemological rules of the relation between fiction and reality. The present work is based on The unconscious politics: a narrative as a socially symbolic act , book in which all the literary or cultural texts can and should be read as symbolic resolutions to insoluble social contradictions. From string to contemporary literature this phenomenon has been registered by the several ways of textual production turning the 1930 Revolution into one of the main elements which guides the political scene of Paraíba. The ideological groups still centered on the political resentment and committed to a political conflict forged the existence of two historical truths: one which suits the liberais , the winners, and another is of the 1930 conflict. This work argues in favour of the unconscious politics of the 1930 Revolution. This thesis considers necessarily the relation that the Paraibana society maintains with its past and how this past reaches in the present the liberation of a hidden and repressed truth through its narrativization. Beyond that, how the ideological partiality generated the political resentment through the way of thinking of the rivals under the perspective of the good and evil reveals its insoluble social contradiction. Process which comprehends varied narrative forms of the mass culture products and literary production, as in the methodological perspective pointed by Fredric Jameson that all literary or cultural texts can and shall be read as symbolic resolutions of true political and social contradictions. In the case of Paraiba we will have resolutions that search for the reasons which caused the death of João Pessoa: forgery and publicity of love letters, dispute over the official version of suicide commited by João Dantas, the man who assassinated João Pessoa

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This thesis is a translation of work of the Brazilian doctor, Pedro da Silva Nava (1903-1984), in particular, his memoirs and chronicles, articulated with the writings of medicine history, aiming to defend that the autobiographical narratives are sources of research capable of promoting discussions on the expansion of the present at the confluence of complex and unequal society in constant changing process as the Brazilian. The theoretical and methodological support circulates around studies, proposals and thesis by Boaventura Santos about empowering past, destabilizing subjectivity, sociology of absences, cosmopolitan reason and translation work. The empirical support drawn from the literature produced by Nava were analyzed with reference this reasoning and studies that have facilitated the flow of translation among others, the studies of Antonio Candido, Arrigucci Jr., Boris Cyrulnik, Beatriz Sarlo, Ecléa Bosi, Ítalo Calvino, José Willington Germano, José Maria Cançado, Lev Vygotsky, Marilena Chauí, Paul Ricöeur and Walter Benjamim, without neglecting what we consider indispensable to scientific research, the production of relevant knowledge and prudent, in view of a decent life. The initial inflections reflect the subject of the Memoirs and its education/training, to then place the Memoir subject in the literary context, scientific, historical and Brazilian poetic (1972-2010), bringing great interpreters and discussing the rationale used by the Narrator that we defend stand closer to the cosmopolitan, showing the formation of narratives whose presence insert itself beforehand to modernist verve, linked to the discursive array against the literature as domination space, disseminated in Brazil in the early twentieth century. So, it articulate with those in which the concerns adjust the construction of the social formation of Brazil as a national heritage through literary narrative that focuses on a historical principle that becomes the past empowering, allowing his rereading, whose converge to memory, the lifestyles, the plurality of language and Brazilian culture, formed by several people, converging into a design not of culture but multiculturalism in Brazil. The memory issue was addressed in the space-time of experiences of being that narrates, shaped by a destabilizing subjectivity that sought to order the testimony of a time, a history and society, retelling them by creative imagination, almost fictional, to make circulate his knowledge about Brazil attached to his medical knowledge, as well as other subjects in his living group and other groups with whom they maintained contact. Thus, he portrayed both tangible and intangible cultural assets of the country as a form of preservation, giving them meanings and sense. It approaches, therefore, from the perspective of sociology of absences, the expansion of the present and by the logic inherent in his narratives of self and Brazil

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The participation of women of more than 60 years of age in the social ritual of the creation of the Reserva de Desenvolvimento Sustentável Estadual ( Sustainable Development State Reserve ) at Ponta do Tubarão, in the state of Rio Grande do Norte, is the central object of this research. This work is an attempt to analyze the oral discourse of these women, to understand the historical participation in this ritual, pointing out the actions for dehistoricization that, in the Western world, take women out of the community scene making their roles less important or invisible as agents of social construction. The reflections that take place in this research, using as a starting point, the example of a traditional fishing community on the Brazilian coast, and denounce the mechanisms of male domination that try to silence their hábitus, such as: the discourse of power (that is responsible for the permanent division of sexual structures) and of the correspondent social and cultural division. The present research respects the oral discourse of the Elderly Women as a significant practice of community life in Diogo Lopes in Macau, Rio Grande do Norte. The creation of the community of RDSE in Ponta do Tubarão as an instrument for political and social management is also accepted here as a process conducted by various social actors that react to developmental threats that have interfered with and are still trying to interfere with the equilibrium of the regional ecosystem. The methodology used in the research is supported in the oral discourse of these women as social representations of a focus group, on which the method of the Análise do Discurso do Sujeito Coletivo (DSC) ( Collective Subject Discourse Analysis ) is applied

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This research had as purpose to establish the logic symbolic present in the contemporary society that facilitated the emergency of a public speech on the incest, and, consequently, to demonstrate the ideological nature that structures it. Event associated to the order of the taboo, the incest would be the transgression of the injunction that, second Lévi-Strauss, facilitated the emergency of the Culture while symbolic order, differentiated of the natural order. The injunction of the incest would reveal the elementary and universal structures of the order symbolic presents in the human societies: the demand of the Rule as rule; the reciprocity and the gift, present element in the social changes that it transforms the individuals in partners, increasing a new quality in the transferred value, according to Lévi-Strauss. Starting from this, I developed the hypothesis second which the phenomenon of the alone incest became an event of discursive order and public as right social transformations affected the normative system (social representations, values, moral) regulator of the relationships among the social subjects, being reflected like this, in the own structuring of the Law. A second work hypothesis was developed starting from that. I develop it leaving of the argument that if when inserting the discussion of the thematic of the defense of the children and adolescent rights, being then, considering it while "privileged modality of sexual abuse against children", the present central subjects in the structuring of the social entail would be leaved. Being like this, the partner-institutional speech on the incest would answer the social demands of order and social control, becoming like this, discursive formations of ideological character. This research work tried to follow the hypothesis above referred, demonstrating the singular sense that it will be attributed to the incest in the contemporary society, particularly, its relationship with the Law and the transgression in the contemporary society

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The present study aimed to understand how and to what extent the electronic forró, currently hegemonic in the music market in the state of Rio Grande do Norte, establishes and maintains relations of domination in the social contexts in which it is produced, transmitted and received. Based, in significant form-content, on the writings of the first generation of theorists of the so-called Frankfurt School (Critical Theory), particularly with Theodor W. Adorno, and systematically using the contributions of the Cultural Studies (from the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies of Birmingham) and of the sociology of Pierre Bourdieu, this study aimed to perform, in the fertile intersection of these references, a critical possibility of interpretation of the electronic forró predominantly spread in the state of Rio Grande do Norte. To this end, aiming at a better apprehension of the so-called capital circuits/culture circuits , this study resulted from a qualitative investment of research, based on structured interviews with musicians, entrepreneurs of the sector and music consumers, as well as on the analysis of the themes contained in the official discography of the electronic forró band called Garota Safada (Shameless Girl). As a general empirical conclusion, it was possible to infer that far from the significant presence of domination or mere prevalence of oppositions, there is a relational pluralism of forms of domination and ways of resistances present in the production and consumption of electronic forró, regardless of gender, age, income, education or place of residence. However, the artifices of the cultural industry has been shown to be efficient: from large-scale businessmen to small producers enabled by the so-called open markets . The currentness of the concept of cultural industry is based on the idea that its products are offered systematically (the systematic insistence of everything to everyone) and on the notion that its production primarily meets the administrative criteria of control over the effects on the receiver (capacity of prescription of desires). Thus, the Adornian reflection on the pseudo-individualization leads to the inference that even in some of the most apparent ways of negotiation and/or refusal regarding the consumption of forró, certain behaviors of the cultural industry still prevail both in the very (re)interpretation of the forró and in the choice of other music genres also standardized, rationalized and massified. Therefore, despite the absence of cause-effect relation and the recognition of the popular capacity of re-elaboration and contestation of the media consumption, some world views prevailing in relation to the electronic forró establish or, at least, support some hegemonic ideologies, especially those concerning the life style, consumption and genre relations (fun by all means). Therefore, due the massification of certain songs, some ways of dissemination of values, beliefs and feelings are potentially experienced from the electronic forró. So, it is presumable that in the current advance of the process of semiformation (Halbbildung), the habitus of a part of the youth from the state of Rio Grande do Norte reinforces and is reinforced by the centrality of the trinomial fun, love and sex present in the songs, emphasized in some constructive practices of sense and in certain flows of social significance

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Our object is to analyze the experiences in participative management in the cities o Natal and Maceió. The center of our interests is to evaluate if the operational changes in public administration in Brazil have really caused transformations in the municipal government which tend to constitute democracy in our country. The enlargement of civil society participation experiences in public management (at least as a proposal) has led to a great diversity of results even when executed by individuals from the same political party or with the same ideological interests. Thus, we investigate why the participative management process takes place in different forms even when the managers belong to the same party and share the same ideas. We based our analysis in the analytical scheme developed by Esping-Andersen (1991) in his studies about the cause for different welfare states in the world. We defend the thesis that the specifities in management are explained through an integrative analysis between the capacity of organization existent in society, the kind of govern coalition and the institutional legacy present in both cities. The complete analysis of the two experiences studied shows that there are similarities specially in the mayors government forms and in the importance they give in their speech to the participation of society as the element which sustains the management. Nevertheless, although both mayors are connected to the political party project, there are also differences in the advance of such process mainly because of the basis work performed by the left party among the popular movement, the kind of govern coalition which has been developed in the city and by the institutional legacy left by the former administration

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This study aims to analize the Cariri Paraibano territory, as a product of relations of power that were being established along its historic process of territory formation. In this process, the fragmentation and the territory management are fundamental elements to socioterritorial reality comprehension. The theoretical-conceptual basis is based on notions of territory, region, power and territory management, which are articulated to the opinions and empiric confirmations origined from interviews made with several social actions. They also were made photographical records and researches on books, newspapers and magazines, as well on other information sources related to the object of studying. Obtained data confirm the pressuposement on which the relations of dominations and the used methods by the power s owners in the region created a little fruitful political practice and little adequate to the process of active participation of the local population on the territory management, even being on disagreement with the new political-institutional mechanisms, which take to political-administrative more democratic and participative in the country

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The domination of the violence for the Rule of law awakened a tension between the practice of the punitive power and the right to counsel. However, throughout the recent history of the Criminal law, this shock of forces has been determined for the punitive power. In this perspective, the present work intends to submit the guarantee of defense to a critical judgment, in search to conciliate its content to the Constitutional State of Right. For in such a way, it will be necessary to recognize the disequilibrium of the situation, but without considering the superiority of any of these elements. The State in such a way must fulfill the function to punish the culprits as to acquit the innocents. Despite the law is far from obtaining a harmonious speech, it is necessary that the defense guarantee coexists the punitive power as part of an only public interest, which is, to make criminal justice. In such a way, the existence of a sustainable balance between the punitive power and the guarantee of defense depend on the minimum interference of Criminal law and, also, of the judicial position in the concrete case. The present work faces, therefore, the moment of crisis of the Criminal law, consolidated with the advent of a new way of thinking according to the procedural guarantees, that will demand the overcoming of the old concepts. The Constitutional State of Right not only constitutes an efectiveness of the regime of the right to counsel, but in a similar way it searchs to accomplish the right of action and criminal justice as a whole. Knowing that the philosophy of the language raises doubts on the certainty, the truth and the judgement, it is imposed to understand that the defense guarantee is no more about a simple idea, but, in the crooked ways of the communication, we intend to find what the judge s function is when he faces this new reality

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This paper aims to discuss the conflicts of competence in environmental matters, as well as the legitimacy of the normative acts in the exercise of jurisdiction effected environmental management. For this work, addresses the issue of federalism, North American (dual) and German (cooperative), deepening its historical and theoretical fundamentals, as well as the influences on the evolution of the ideological matrix of Brazilian federalism. Distinguishes itself around the problem the theoretical and abstract discussion involving the constitutional division of powers, and the issue of his relationship with the vicissitudes in the embracement of environmental matters that invariably leads to mistakes in the exercise of jurisdiction environmental management. Its highlight the existence of a framework environmental law, embodying the principles themselves as well as a specific object of authority, which qualifies a different interpretation of the rules of constitutional powers as well as influencing the acting agent of government in managing the public good environment. The study represents an exploratory research as it investigates the depths of the institutes are in evidence not only with satisfying its practical outcome. For this to happen, explores bibliographical sources and identified by the science of law as more important, as the search for social-political boundary which takes the issue studied in their historical and contextual materiality, whose study is essential for a complete understanding of the topic . The dialectic that arguments have been constructed throughout the monograph, attempts to pass a critical way to expose the author's ideas, which considers as essential in the arrival of new questions

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Recognizing the need to preserve a national ethnic minority, the Constitution, inspired by the pluralistic values of the Constitutional Law State, stipulated a series of rights and guarantees for the conservation of indigenous cultural singularity, disciplining in article 231 the Indians right to maintain their social organization, customs, languages, beliefs and traditions, as well as safeguarding the rights to the lands they traditionally occupy, and the exclusive use of the wealth existing in them, premise of ensuring their physical and cultural continuity, breaking decisively with the paradigm the assimilation of the Indian national civilization. However, despite the Indian policy of ethnic and cultural preservation, the Constitution allowed the exploitation of minerals in aboriginal territory, incorporated herein hydrocarbons, provided they meet certain predetermined requirements, leaving it to the legislature the discipline of ordinary matter. However, this law has not yet been published, with some projects in the National Congress, leaving thus precluding the indigenous subsurface oil exploration until the enactment of enabling legislation. Meanwhile, this paper carries out an integrated analysis of the constitutional protection of ethnic and cultural uniqueness of indigenous peoples, Convention Nº 169 of the International Labour Organization and the bill presented by Deputy Eduardo Valverde, in an attempt to consolidate sustainable development practices in the sector, through developing a system of social and environmental responsible oil exploration, aligning with national energy needs to maintain a balanced environment and preservation of socio-cultural organization of a minority so weakened and beaten over five centuries of domination

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This work pursues to analyze the sanctions of restrictive nature, which are characterized by impeding the business of the contributor in debt. Such sanctions known as political sanctions, are truly understood as an indirect way of tax enforcement, liable to cause problems to the private entity in curtailing, the initiative freedom, opposing the Article 5°, item XIII and Article 170, single paragraph of CF/88. As the State gets the several means to assure the economic order effective performance, it is up to the State to restrain the economic power abuse that objects to the marketing domination, to the ending of competition, and arbitrary increasing of profits (CF Article 173, § 4ª.) Therefore, it depends on the state, besides maintaining the economic order, to ensure a fair distribution of tax burden and act under the command of the Democratic State of Law principles. In order to make the tax collection effective, specific in some cases, the administrative fiscal agent uses coercive, excessive, and institutional, in imposing sanctions which causes constraint, maculating the contributor s essential rights, that matters of the necessity to force the tax credit ending. The principle of the free initiative and free competition, which are intended to be analyzed in this study, comes from a constitutional context and it will be reviewed in its systematic relations and with another rules, in order to evidence, at the end, the occurrence of an intervention towards the economic order when the State makes do of political sanctions as a tool for the tax credit effectiveness, infringing the Tax and Constitutional principles