64 resultados para Trabalhadores rurais - Brasil - Condições econômicas
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
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The purpose of this work is to analyze the influence of the Catholic Church on rural worker s union in the Seridó potiguar region between 1964 to 1979. To the work developed by the Church is connected the beginning of worker s union in the Seridó region. In this way, this research tries to understand what is also the politic direction of the labor s union by means of the Cathólic Church that througt a process of creating Leagues have been looking for reinforcing and protecting catholicism as a way of maintaining its believers and distancing them from others movements such as Peasant League and the influence of Brazilian Communist Party. We use as sources oral narratives and newspaper A Folha , wich was published by the Parish Church of Caicó (RN) between 1954 to 1967. Some wrintten documents produced by worker s union from the Seridó region were also used
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The acquiring process of morals on a person is one of the most important aspects of his Social Identity. The basis for his ethics and moral choices are built when he interacts with the world. A child that interacts with participants of Movimento Sem Terra (MST) movement that fights for the Land Reform and the transformation of the society may have the opportunities to acquire the culture, morals and ethics of this movement. Based on this understanding, this work intends to comprehend how children think and incorporate the rules that are the base of the values and principles of MST, considering the diversity of the situations, the limits and the possibilities to experience these values in their everyday life in the Movement. To understand how the process of cognitive construction of the rules takes place in a child, it is important to consider the theories of Jean Piaget. According to him, morals development follows a sequence: the anomie (0 to 2 years old), marked by the absence of rules; the heteronomy (2 to 6/7 years old), where takes place the adoption of rules due to exterior obedience, such as a relative, an institution or a movement; and the autonomy (from 6/7 years old on), in which rules are considered legitimate. All the children in this research have relatives working at MST. The research has two parts. We have first observed the behavior of three groups of children (beyond six years old) while they were involved on their normal activities (kindergarten) activities. On the second moment, we have interviewed 20 children (between 3 and 10 years old). We used flashcards containing scenes; we also told stories and asked moral questions involving the character s behavior. We have noticed the unilateral respect and extern coercion are between the definers of the moral decisions of a child. The empathy and the reduction of the egocentrism help seeing the situation of the point of view of other, although it doesn t mean that one is going to accept others point of view. In the taking decision of the child other factors are also considered such as the space of socialization (family, school). Though the children don t work or take part at MST activities, they have already opinions about involved people behaviors. The interaction with relatives and teachers is one of the most important aspects to encourage them elaborate moral understandings according to the ethics of this movement
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As pesquisas antropológicas brasileiras podem tratar de forma frequentemente estanque e separada, por um lado, grupos camponeses e, por outro lado, grupos étnicos, quais sejam, ‘índios’, ‘quilombolas’, etc. Contextos e situações que indicam pluralidade identitária costumam ser simplificados em sua caracterização etnográfica e da dimensão multifacetada de relações e redes sociais. Assim, discuto aqui os processos de mobilização étnico-política e de demanda territorial, sem perder de vista os processos de ressignificação cultural e construção identitária que se engendram a partir de um campo semântico da etnicidade. Abordo, então, certas situações étnicas Tremembé (estado do Ceará) que desestabilizam, embaralham e colocam em risco representações antropológicas sobre o ‘camponês’, o ‘regional’ e o ‘indígena
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This piece of work consists in a study case of Crediamigo Comunidade, a product from the portfolio of Crediamigo Program of Banco do Nordeste, that uses the methodology of the Comunitary Banks in the concession of low amount loan to poor communities. The main question consists to understand how the Crediamigo Comunidade is characterized faced to the conflict of emancipatory versus liberal paradigms, that exists in the microcredit area. The main objective will analyze how the mechanisms: social capital, empowerment, formation to credit education and better conditions for economic and social issues promoted in the specific objectives of this product, before the dipute between these paradigms. The method adopted analyzed, in a longitudinal perspective, the three years of the product s existence (jun/2005 to jul 2008). Primary and secondary data made possible to identify qualitatively, emancipatory and non emancipatory attributes in the actions and results of Crediamigo Comunidade. It is concluded that the Crediamigo Comunidade works in a liberal logic of the Crediamigo Program, consequently, his focus is not in the emancipation of the poorest clients. The empowerment is individual and not communitary or Freiriano ; the social capital relations enlarges itself in its bounding and bridging ties, but not in its linkage ties, to have access to politic actors and consequently communitary strengthen. All the formation in the Crediamigo is strictly commercial. These characteristics happen by the liberal paradigm in the Crediamigo management and of all of its products, including the Crediamigo Comunidade
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This work aims to study the associations as mediating the process of social change and its importance for local development. The hypothesis is that associations, but bring dynamism to the smaller cities and improve the living conditions of their members, relegated to the background social sustainability, understood this as a permanent exercise of mobilization and participation in community life. The assumptions of the study are that the practice group has influenced the processes of local development in Brazilian rural municipalities through the mediation of government programs and projects aimed at combating rural poverty require social organization for their achievement. The concept of local development in this work was rescued from studies of political economy and sociology. But the concepts of collective action and partnerships advêem studies of political participation and social development of the theory of alternative or solidarity. The party consisted of an empirical case study conducted with four associations of farmers in the municipality of Portalegre-RN. Why choose qualitative study was used the technique of semi-structured interviews with the chairmen I members of associations and other actors considered essential to understanding the study (religious leaders, local political power and chairman of the union of rural workers), a total of 20 interviews, in addition to the observations of field and documentary research in records of the.ir own organizations. The survey results show that the performance of groups of farmers are key components and determinants for the production I marketing of agricultural products and for boosting the economy, as well as security for minimum levels of citizenship. Yet we are still in a space purpose of social change, which comes to confirm the initial hypothesis of this work
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The rural settlements represent a mark in the expensive historical process of fight by the land in Brazil. At first offer basic terms of survival, through the access the land and of the fundamental supports for exploration. At the same time, have stimulated organization forms politicizes of the families who manage to work with the new challenges of the everyday. The moment that follows the land conquest, and therefore, the settlements construction while life and work project, it is crossed for objective and subjective demands, with highlight for options of agricultural production and strategies of collective action. Originally formed as representation instance legitimates of the families - front to the government and social actors - the settlers associations are private spaces for political sociability, that guided by principles participative, can lead the settlers the new conquests through indeed democratic experiences. The goal of this work is to comprehend the participation forms in the scope of these associations and the way as that translates in life best terms for the group, from the settlements experiences located in the Territories of the Citizenship Mato Grande and Açu-Mossoró, in Rio Grande do Norte's State. The theoretical conceptions that guide this analysis are concentrate on discussions about democracy and participation (Patermam, Putnam, Bodernave) and in the reflections about the rural world (Medeiros, Martins, Woodman e Woodman and Bergamansco). About methodological, different point of view strategies were developed: The direct observation, the application in locate of questionnaires to the families settlers and interviews semi-structured with the internal leaderships. With that could verify that the participation forms in the associations operate in two heartfelt: Of a side, they promote assimilation opportunities of democratic abilities accompanied of notions of social rights and redefinition of political standards; Of another, it offers indeed the possibility of the settlers lead, with relative autonomy, the political organization and her changes in direction to a way of life that wish to have in the settling
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Despite the improvement of Brazilian s living conditions in recent decades, this improvement occurred in a polarized way between groups of better social position. Then, there is still a health inequity´s panorama in Brazil which encompasses the oral health state. This panorama instigated the attainment of this ecological study that aimed to evaluate the relationship of socioeconomic conditions, and public health policies with oral health status in Brazilian capitals. Thus, we performed factor analysis and linear regression using oral health indicators collected from SB Brasil 2010, of socioeconomic conditions from Brazilian Census 2010 and related to water´s supply fluoridation from SISAGUA. Factor analysis with indicators of living conditions revealed two common factors, economic deprivation and socio-sanitary condition. Economic deprivation showed statistically significant positive correlation with DMFT 12 years (p= 0,03) and mean missing teeth (p = 0,002) and negative correlation with caries-free population (p=0,012). Socio-sanitary negatively correlated with DMFT (p <0,0001) and a positive correlation with caries-free population (p = 0.002). Fluoridated water had a significant association with DMFT (p <0,0001), mean missing teeth (p <0,0001) and caries free population (p <0.0001). Multiple linear regression analysis for the DMFT of capital was estimated by socio-sanitary condition and fluoridation, adjusted by economic deprivation, whereas the model for the mean missing teeth was estimated only by fluoridation and economic deprivation, and finally the model the rate for the population free of caries in Brazilian capitals was estimated by economic and socio-sanitary status adjusted fluoridated water supply. Therefore, factors related to living conditions and public policies are intrinsically linked to tooth decay issues. Thus, actions, beyond dental care assistance, must be development to impact positively in social and economic conditions, especially, between the most vulnerable populations
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Analisa a inserção da população jovem em assentamentos rurais, tomando como referência o Assentamento Hipólito, no município de Mossoró, no Estado do Rio Grande do Norte (RN). O contato com alguns jovens assentados levou à inquietação frente à problemática situação por eles descrita, em relação aos seus cotidianos e às suas perspectivas, o que aponta para o entendimento de que faltam políticas públicas, ou estas não estão sendo adequadas para a população em estudo. As políticas de juventude são, além de recentes, ainda muito escassas; sobretudo, quando se trata da juventude rural. Nessa perspectiva, procura rastrear a trajetória dos jovens no referido Assentamento, visando a uma melhor percepção da inserção social destes na condição de assentados, com a atenção voltada para as suas relações com o seu meio, e com o poder público (local, estadual e federal), as condições de vida, as perspectivas de futuro e as ações governamentais, frente às suas demandas. Os resultados dessa análise apontaram para a ausência de políticas públicas condizentes com a realidade dessa parcela da população, reforçando, mediante a precariedade das condições de vida em que se encontra, o argumento de que a luta pela terra não se encerra com a conquista desta. Pois a consolidação dessa posse vai depender da luta posterior em prol de melhores condições econômicas e sociais. Reforça ainda a necessidade de reconhecer a capacidade potencial dos sujeitos coletivos, na avaliação de seus problemas e necessidades, e fomentar a participação social e política dos trabalhadores, na conquista de seus direitos e na construção de sua cidadania. E ainda que a participação efetiva da juventude é fundamental a qualquer processo de transformação social. Portanto, os jovens rurais são atores inegavelmente importantes quando se pretende entender a dinâmica dos assentamentos rurais no seu contexto maior
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This piece of work consists in a study case of Crediamigo Comunidade, a product from the portfolio of Crediamigo Program of Banco do Nordeste, that uses the methodology of the Comunitary Banks in the concession of low amount loan to poor communities. The main question consists to understand how the Crediamigo Comunidade is characterized faced to the conflict of emancipatory versus liberal paradigms, that exists in the microcredit area. The main objective will analyze how the mechanisms: social capital, empowerment, formation to credit education and better conditions for economic and social issues promoted in the specific objectives of this product, before the dipute between these paradigms. The method adopted analyzed, in a longitudinal perspective, the three years of the product s existence (jun/2005 to jul 2008). Primary and secondary data made possible to identify qualitatively, emancipatory and non emancipatory attributes in the actions and results of Crediamigo Comunidade. It is concluded that the Crediamigo Comunidade works in a liberal logic of the Crediamigo Program, consequently, his focus is not in the emancipation of the poorest clients. The empowerment is individual and not communitary or Freiriano ; the social capital relations enlarges itself in its bounding and bridging ties, but not in its linkage ties, to have access to politic actors and consequently communitary strengthen. All the formation in the Crediamigo is strictly commercial. These characteristics happen by the liberal paradigm in the Crediamigo management and of all of its products, including the Crediamigo Comunidade
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The present work treats the movements dedicated to reinvidication per land and social rights for the field works, among 1960 and 1964. Trying to understand this question in the Rio Grande do Norte it is necessary to consider the connection between the catholic church and the rural syndicates besides the influence of the Brazilian communist party, and still other social movements and the state. The structures politics local, national and international, had considerable importance to the organization rural potiguares workers. The rural potiguares syndicate appear in 1961 - after a hard organization work starting of the Service of Rural Assistance - and expand itself through state until the middle of 1962. Soon the first big conflicts an important manifestation are perceive, indirectly referring to a increasing movement's performance. The Favoring Progresses chains co quested a biggest influence in the politics destiny of the Rio Grande do Norte, in front of integration among syndicates, educational projects, and favoring progress's politics. But the military coup hired that the hope overflow the field
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The market-assisted land reform (RAAM) has been constituted as an alternative of agrarian reform funded by the Programa Nacional do Crédito Fundiário (PNCF). It is a policy of acquisition, distribution and use of Earth ideologically disseminated and funded by the World Bank in the context of productive insertion of landless workers. Accordingly, this study seeks to analyze the trajectory of rural settlements financed by this policy, seeking to understand what factors promote or limit the process of rural development of those settlements. To do so, take as a reference case study of the Assentamento da Fazenda Paz, in the municipality of Maxaranguape in the State of Rio Grande do Norte. From the methodological point of view, bibliographical and documentary research were used, in addition to visits to the settlement and semi-structured interviews with the settlers, trade union leaders, consultants and technicians linked to the project. Assuming the reports of respondents, initially constructs the hypothesis that informal and formal institutions present in the Assentamento da Fazenda Paz were unable to effectively coordinate the actions of the agents. The results obtained showed the existence of a very complex undertaking, with a total area of 607 hectares and 80 families settled, endowed with good quality water and irrigation infrastructure, with assets of approximately R$ 5 million reais. Experience experienced by the settlers understood the development of complex systems of production and marketing of fruits and vegetables, with an emphasis on the cultivation of papaya in an area of 45 hectares based on modern irrigation system and extensive use of technology. Collective management of production, marketing, revenue and costs stood out as a major challenge for the settlers and their representative organisations, i.e. the Community Association and the cooperative. From this observation it was possible to identify two moments on the trajectory of the project: the first, between 2007-2011, considered by respondents as successful, in which the integration of public policies and abundant input of revenue from the commercialization of the fruits da Paz, mainly through the sale of papaya and pineapple in national and international markets, allowed an average remuneration of R$ 800.00 reais to R$ 1,000 reais seated/monthIn addition to the production of vegetables and other types of products for sale and consumption; the second, from 2012, characterized as a failure, due to the discontinuity of the cultivation, production and marketing of fruits based on the collective bargaining model deployed. Important factors explain the discontinuity of the project, including the model of agriculture implemented, difficulties related to the management of production, marketing and finance the venture, in addition to the breach of trust between the Board of the cooperative and the associates and the distancing of the governmental organizations more directly responsible for the project. It is therefore concluded that we must to rethink rural development as a multidimensional phenomenon, requiring a broad engagement between State and society under the foundations of a territorial development contract
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This discourse analyzes the technical assistance concerning the rural settlement, which is seen as a demand of the social movement that claims for agrarian reformation, and is a goal of II PNRA, launched in may 2004, as a essential national public politics on process of building and consolidation of settlement and familiar agriculture, proposing the return of technical assistance service and rural extension in Brazil, which were started in the and of 1940 s. We analyze, in particular, the technical assistance program, social and environmental agrarian reformation, on model settlement, a program created, especially, to the rural settlements, coordinated by INCRA. Based on the documental analyze and local study, it is noticed that the experience of technical assistance implemented on model settlement shows the non continuation and fragility on technical assistance actions to rural workers. This context goes against the lately technical assistance governmental apparatus, which ensures to make settlements stronger, to support and to get important the familiar agriculture system. This way, technical assistance execution, trough the tertiary service, follows the neoliberal strategy and, the State, besides decreases the estimate to public politics, takes its actions control from the State to the shared control through partnership and transferring of responsibility, expressing its historic lack of attention to the worker class demands. In spite of workers resistance, expectative and hope, the lack of these services, as well as the other politics deficiencies, which are necessary to the settlements, are endangering its activities and threatening its survival in the settlement
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This work has as objective to analyze the social movement called Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra and their relation to land reform from the idea of nation. In the decade of its emergence, 1980, Brazilian nationalism was deeply tied to aspirations for democracy and this consisted of a kind of political language of the period that included not only the MST, but also conservative sectors of Brazilian politics. The MST then develop a way to realize their different social function of the movements that preceded it as the Ligas Camponesas, incorporating the element of the nation as political capital to strengthen their practice. This relationship will be studied from a debate on contemporary Marxism and its key concepts.
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Studies show that the theme of gender relations within the MST (Rural Landless Workers Movement) has incorporated some feminist guidelines discussions in the set of its speeches and daily practices. Therefore, this study aimed to investigate the production of meanings about the political militancy of women linked to MST in Rio Grande do Norte. The specific objectives sought to identify the continuities and ruptures related to the women's role in the family of the militant women and to investigate the militant’s discursive positioning about their work. The study is configured as a qualitative research, which six women militants linked to the MST at the RN participated. These women occupy the coordination and leadership functions in the movement. We will use a semi-structured interview, initially guided by triggering questions that included, among others, the dimensions: political militancy, family and work as an access tool to the phenomenon. The reports were analyzed from an initial categorization, based on the guiding principles: militancy, family and work, and were based on theoretical perspective of studies about the production of meaning, discursive practices, social psychology and gender studies. The meanings of militancy point to: contribution, hope, recognition, transformation, awareness and fight. The results show that there is always a positivation speech of life, achievements of a formation and about a new place as a woman at stake. These results come justified by the collective investment of struggle, not only for the access to land, but for social rights achievements too. Finally, the MST stands with a discursive agency that contributes to produce in these women not only the way of political participation: but a way to be exercised with collective subjects and their rights.