8 resultados para Trade union strategy
em Repositório digital da Fundação Getúlio Vargas - FGV
Resumo:
This work is focused on understanding the most important issues originated from the current Brazilian productive restructuring and its impacts on the formation of a new unionism style, especially the pattern followed by the Workers Union's Congress (CUT). From the processes that have been developing in the automotive factories of the ABC region, as well as inside the unions, we can say that: (i) the participation of the unions in the elaboration and modificaton of the productive processes and the labor organization has been increasing; (ii) this trend has been spreading very quickly inside the workers union movement linked to the CUT, strenghtening the inflexion taken by this Congress since the beginning of the nineties; (iii) the negotiations and its outcomes are drawing away from an approach that seeks to establish a mechanical correspondance between production flexibilization measures and the implementation of certain industrial relations.
Resumo:
Intends to analyse the Brazilian tripartite, paritarian and de-centralized model that manages the resources of FAT (Fundo de Amparo ao Trabalhador - Workers Protection Fund) in the employment public system of Rio de Janeiro. To reach the proposed objective, the first chapter begins with a discussion on the corporativism in Brazil, its configuration and the determinants that permitted changes in its arrangements throughout Brazilian trade-union history. In the second chapter is presented the Brazilian employment public system, and the programs and plans that forms it, and its structural characteristics; at the end, a discussion is made about why the employment system is considered as being an hibrid corporative structure. The third chapter presents how is structured the Rio de Janeiro State Employment Comission nowadays, its history and main decisions and programs, and then verifies how is ocurring the representation of political interests in the Rio de Janeiro employment system, how the politics is being integrated to the programs, and to which extension the de-centralization is ocurring according to the legal presumptions of the public politic. At the end, the analisys is concluded by some considerations that try to resume the conclusions raised by the proposed reflection.
Resumo:
Esta dissertação procura refletir os pressupostos teóricos da relação trabalho-educação, a partir da vida real da classe operária, bem como a partir da prática político-pedagógica da escola técnica do Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos do Rio de Janeiro. Contextualizando o nexo entre a escola e a entidade de trabalhadores nos diferentes momentos do movimento sindical, procura resgatar a lógica da educação promovida pelos próprios operários-metalúrgicos. Ao tomar o trabalho como princípio educativo, analisa a experiência vivida por professores, operários-estudantes, dirigentes e ativistas sindicais na reconstrução do processo de produção pedagógica. Reflete então, a formação dos trabalhadores tendo como perspectiva o encontro entre o saber escolar e o saber prático do operariado adquirido no cotidiano da fábrica. Analisando a dicotomia trabalho manual/trabalho intelectual, o processo de automação da produção, a condição de classe do técnico industrial, entre outras questões, enfatiza a necessidade de se resgatar a unidade entre educação técnica e educação política da classe operária.
Resumo:
This paper investigates cross-country productivity convergence among Mercosur members plus associates (Chile and Bolivia) and Peru, during the period 1960-1999. The testing strategy is based on the definitions of time-series convergence by Bernard and Durlauf (1995), and applies sequentially the multivariate unit root tests proposed by Sarno and Taylor (1998), Flôres, Preumont and Szafarz (1995) and Breuer, Mc Nown and Wallace (1999). The last two tests allow to identify the countries that converge. Our results show evidence of convergence among the four Mercosur countries, using either Argentina or Brazil as benchmark. Weaker evidence of convergence is also found with Bolivia. The results point out that monetary union among the Southern Cone economies, though a far objective, is not without sense.
Resumo:
Neste trabalho analisaram-se estratégias de spread calendário de contratos futuros de taxa de juros de curto prazo (STIR – Short Term Interest Rate) em operações de intraday trade. O spread calendário consiste na compra e venda simultânea de contratos de STIR com diferentes maturidades. Cada um dos contratos individualmente se comporta de forma aleatória e dificilmente previsível. No entanto, no longo prazo, pares de contratos podem apresentar um comportamento comum, com os desvios de curto prazo sendo corrigidos nos períodos seguintes. Se este comportamento comum for empiricamente confirmado, há a possibilidade de desenvolver uma estratégia rentável de trading. Para ser bem sucedida, esta estratégia depende da confirmação da existência de um equilíbrio de longo prazo entre os contratos e a definição do limite de spread mais adequado para a mudança de posições entre os contratos. Neste trabalho, foram estudadas amostras de 1304 observações de 5 diferentes séries de spread, coletadas a cada 10 minutos, durante um período de 1 mês. O equilíbrio de longo prazo entre os pares de contratos foi testado empiricamente por meio de modelos de cointegração. Quatro pares mostraram-se cointegrados. Para cada um destes, uma simulação permitiu a estimação de um limite que dispararia a troca de posições entre os contratos, maximizando os lucros. Uma simulação mostrou que a aplicação deste limite, levando em conta custos de comissão e risco de execução, permitiria obter um fluxo de caixa positivo e estável ao longo do tempo.
Resumo:
O objetivo do presente trabalho é verificar se, ao levar-se em consideração momentos de ordem superior (assimetria e curtose) na alocação de uma carteira de carry trade, há ganhos em relação à alocação tradicional que prioriza somente os dois primeiros momentos (média e variância). A hipótese da pesquisa é que moedas de carry trade apresentam retornos com distribuição não-Normal, e os momentos de ordem superior desta têm uma dinâmica, a qual pode ser modelada através de um modelo da família GARCH, neste caso IC-GARCHSK. Este modelo consiste em uma equação para cada momento condicional dos componentes independentes, explicitamente: o retorno, a variância, a assimetria, e a curtose. Outra hipótese é que um investidor com uma função utilidade do tipo CARA (constant absolute risk aversion), pode tê-la aproximada por uma expansão de Taylor de 4ª ordem. A estratégia do trabalho é modelar a dinâmica dos momentos da série dos logartimos neperianos dos retornos diários de algumas moedas de carry trade através do modelo IC-GARCHSK, e estimar a alocação ótima da carteira dinamicamente, de tal forma que se maximize a função utilidade do investidor. Os resultados mostram que há ganhos sim, ao levar-se em consideração os momentos de ordem superior, uma vez que o custo de oportunidade desta foi menor que o de uma carteira construída somente utilizando como critérios média e variância.
Resumo:
The research topic of this paper is focused on the analysis of how trade associations perceive lobbying in Brussels and in Brasília. The analysis will be centered on business associations located in Brasília and Brussels as the two core centers of decision-making and as an attraction for the lobbying practice. The underlying principles behind the comparison between Brussels and Brasilia are two. Firstof all because the European Union and Brazil have maintained diplomatic relations since 1960. Through these relations they have built up close historical, cultural, economic and political ties. Their bilateral political relations culminated in 2007 with the establishment of a Strategic Partnership (EEAS website,n.d.). Over the years, Brazil has become a key interlocutor for the EU and it is the most important market for the EU in Latin America (European Commission, 2007). Taking into account the relations between EU and Brazil, this research could contribute to the reciprocal knowledge about the perception of lobby in the respective systems and the importance of the non-market strategy when conducting business. Second both EU and Brazilian systems have a multi-level governance structure: 28 Member States in the EU and 26 Member States in Brazil; in both systems there are three main institutions targeted by lobbying practice. The objective is to compare how differences in the institutional environments affect the perception and practice of lobbying, where institutions are defined as ‘‘regulative, normative, and cognitive structures and activities that provide stability and meaning to social behavior’’ (Peng et al., 2009). Brussels, the self-proclaimed "Capital of Europe”, is the headquarters of the European Union and has one of the highest concentrations of political power in the world. Four of the seven Institutions of the European Union are based in Brussels: the European Parliament, the European Council, the Council and the European Commission (EU website, n.d.). As the power of the EU institutions has grown, Brussels has become a magnet for lobbyists, with the latest estimates ranging from between 15,000 and 30,000 professionals representing companies, industry sectors, farmers, civil society groups, unions etc. (Burson Marsteller, 2013). Brasília is the capital of Brazil and the seat of government of the Federal District and the three branches of the federal government of Brazilian legislative, executive and judiciary. The 4 city also hosts 124 foreign embassies. The presence of the formal representations of companies and trade associations in Brasília is very limited, but the governmental interests remain there and the professionals dealing with government affairs commute there. In the European Union, Brussels has established a Transparency Register that allows the interactions between the European institutions and citizen’s associations, NGOs, businesses, trade and professional organizations, trade unions and think tanks. The register provides citizens with a direct and single access to information about who is engaged in This process is important for the quality of democracy, and for its capacity to deliver adequate policies, matching activities aimed at influencing the EU decision-making process, which interests are being pursued and what level of resources are invested in these activities (Celgene, n.d). It offers a single code of conduct, binding all organizations and self-employed individuals who accept to “play by the rules” in full respect of ethical principles (EC website, n.d). A complaints and sanctions mechanism ensures the enforcement of the rules and addresses suspected breaches of the code. In Brazil, there is no specific legislation regulating lobbying. The National Congress is currently discussing dozens of bills that address regulation of lobbying and the action of interest groups (De Aragão, 2012), but none of them has been enacted for the moment. This work will focus on class lobbying (Oliveira, 2004), which refers to the performance of the federation of national labour or industrial unions, like CNI (National Industry Confederation) in Brazil and the European Banking Federation (EBF) in Brussels. Their performance aims to influence the Executive and Legislative branches in order to defend the interests of their affiliates. When representing unions and federations, class entities cover a wide range of different and, more often than not, conflicting interests. That is why they are limited to defending the consensual and majority interest of their affiliates (Oliveira, 2004). The basic assumption of this work is that institutions matter (Peng et al, 2009) and that the trade associations and their affiliates, when doing business, have to take into account the institutional and regulatory framework where they do business.
Resumo:
As stated by Hoffmann and Coste-Manière (2012) “The web is a mass medium that contrast completely with the traditional codes of exclusivity associated with the luxury industry, and has long been simply rejected by the luxury industry for being an illegitimate distribution channel.” Meanwhile this market presents an incomparable pace of growth and is gradually changing the existing retailing business model and companies must be aware of this change and capable to adapt to it. The internet and cross-border sales already changed the competition throughout retailing and it will increase even more, so companies must be ready to face it. Internet has shown its great opportunity for all markets, although luxury/premium market is not yet taking the proper advantage of its potential, but the necessity to be an omnichannel business strategy is growing. This paper presents an exploratory research based on a case study of how premium fashion Brazilian brands are using Farfetch, e-commerce, as an entry market strategy and how this affects them. The research question of this study is: How is Farfetch helping on the internationalization of Brazilian premium fashion brands?, and in order to answer it was conducted an in-depth interview with the Brazilian head of business development of Farfetch, apart an extensive secondary data research. As expected the study found a list of trade-offs of using an e-commerce, luxury specialized, with a marketplace approach to the brands willing to internationalize. As stated by Altagamma and McKinsey (2015) study “[...] luxury brands have no choice but to embrace the digital era and become truly omnichannel. This will require them a radical rethinking of both their customer experience of their consumer engagement strategy.” Looking either from the Farfetch point of view, trying to understand why they offer this opportunity to the brands, or also from the brand side if this is a manageable approach. This study presents a contribution for both sides, trying to give tools to the brands on understanding the internationalization reasons and approach, as well as explaining Farfetch business model, and the advantages it can bring to them, at the same time of a general market trend analysis for Farfecth.