Citizens and the future of multilateralism in a polycentric world at 2030: the perspectives of emerging countries for the trading system: the impasse of WTO, the trends of mega agreements, the logic of value chains and the advent of consumers concerns on international trade

A new paradigm is modeling the World: evolutionary innovations in all fronts, new information technologies, huge mobility of capital, use of risky financial tools, globalization of production, new emerging powers and the impact of consumer concerns on governmental policies. These phenomena are shaping the World and forcing the advent of a new World Order in the Multilateral Monetary, Financial, and Trading System. The effects of this new paradigm are also transforming global governance. The political and economic orders established after the World War and centered on the multilateral model of UN, IMF, World Bank, and the GATT, leaded by the developed countries, are facing significant challenges. The rise of China and emerging countries shifted the old model to a polycentric World, where the governance of these organizations are threatened by emerging countries demanding a bigger participation in the role and decision boards of these international bodies. As a consequence, multilateralism is being confronted by polycentrism. Negotiations for a more representative voting process and the pressure for new rules to cope with the new demands are paralyzing important decisions. This scenario is affecting seriously not only the Monetary and Financial Systems but also the Multilateral Trading System. International trade is facing some significant challenges: a serious deadlock to conclude the last round of the multilateral negotiation at the WTO, the fragmentation of trade rules by the multiplication of preferential and mega agreements, the arrival of a new model of global production and trade leaded by global value chains that is threatening the old trade order, and the imposition of new sets of regulations by private bodies commanded by transnationals to support global value chains and non-governmental organizations to reflect the concerns of consumers in the North based on their precautionary attitude about sustainability of products made in the World. The lack of any multilateral order in this new regulation is creating a big cacophony of rules and developing a new regulatory war of the Global North against the Global South. The objective of this paper is to explore how these challenges are affecting the Tradinge System and how it can evolve to manage these new trends.

Caminhos e obstáculos para o acesso à justiça: "o caso do Programa Mediação de Conflitos em Minas Gerais"

Objetivamos, nesse trabalho, demonstrar alguns caminhos e obstáculos relacionados ao acesso à Justiça a partir da execução do Programa Mediação de Conflitos do Estado de Minas Gerais. O tema do acesso à Justiça tem sido foco de amplos estudos sobre o processo de democratização do direito no Brasil. Pesquisadores do campo das ciências sociais e humanas têm dedicado suas produções ao objetivo de compreender o fenômeno do direito e a sua forma de organização-aplicação no país. As diversas iniciativas de descentralização dos serviços jurídicos – diante da necessidade de ampliá-los, especialmente para a população de baixa renda – veem provocando amplas reflexões sobre o sistema político e de justiça no caso brasileiro, com especial atenção aos dilemas encontrados nas características históricas e culturais do país, permitindo diferenciá-los e aproximá-los de outros contextos nacionais. A ascendente vocação do princípio democrático amplia e faz crescer a institucionalização do direito na vida social, contemplando espaços que ainda não se faziam tão expressos por ele, jurisdicionando principalmente, a esfera da vida privada. Este conjunto de elementos é essencial ao presente trabalho, uma vez que apresentamos o desenvolvimento e a prática do Programa Mediação de Conflitos. Buscamos apresentar a criação deste programa desde sua origem, como projeto de pesquisa-ação a partir da concepção do pluralismo jurídico e do “direito achado na rua”. Sua formulação, realizada por meio de reflexões advindas de um grupo de professores do campo do direito da Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, que durante a década de 90 criaram um programa de extensão desta mesma universidade – denominado “Polos de Cidadania” – nos levou a compreensão do seu percurso e dos caminhos adotados. Discutimos os principais desafios na execução de métodos de informalização da justiça e de mecanismos de resolução de conflitos, como o procedimento da mediação. Trata-se de um estudo qualitativo em que alguns dados socioeconômicos foram incorporados para fins analíticos. Destacamos, sobretudo, o percurso desta experiência por seus idealizadores; apresentamos alguns resultados relacionados aos dados já produzidos por esta prática e quem são os operadores desta experiência atualmente – os mediadores; e buscamos identificar quais são as percepções daqueles que foram atendidos por este programa – suas falas e histórias pessoais – e quais são os caminhos indicados por este segmento social para que o “acesso à Justiça” se torne algo possível de realizar.

Financial regulation and international criminal policy: the anti-money laundering system in Brazil and Argentina

The objective of this paper is to present and compare the process and the results of the implementation of the anti-money laundering system in Brazil and Argentina. Considering that the internal transformations cannot be discussed without a clear understanding of the international apparatus, attention will be given to the description of the “international policy” designed and conducted by FATF. Therefore, its incorporation into two different national realities, the Brazilian and the Argentinean ones, will shed light not only on the transnational transformations both States underwent but also on the anti-money laundering regime itself. The paper is divided into five parts. The first one presents a brief introduction on the emergence and development of the relationship between financial regulation and criminal policy. The two following sections are designed to present an overview of the anti money laundering system in Brazil and Argentina and of the role of FATF in their implementation process. The fourth section presents two Brazilian examples of situations in which full advantage of the FATF regime was taken: the National Strategy to Combat Corruption and Money Laundering and the BacenJud, a communication channel between the financial system and the judicial power. To conclude, final comments will be presented in connection with the central questions of the project this paper is part of .

Hybrid political institutions and governability: the budgetary process in Brazil

In this paper we take a close look at some of the particular pathways by which majoritarian and consensual institutions affect governability. We demonstrate that the mix of majoritarian and consensual institutions found within a country can influence these pathways quite dramatically, such that they produce rather different consequences for governability, even when these pathways are relatively similar in nature. Particularly, we focus on the rules governing the relationship between the President and the Legislature, especially the appropriation of amendments proposed by legislators. In some presidential countries, the president possesses a partial veto (or a line-item veto) which allows him/her to approve or strike appropriations, which legislators introduce in amendments. Concentrating on the case of Brazil, we argue and demonstrate that whether or not the president can use this tool to sustain governing majorities (i.e., to increase governability) depends on the kind of amendment introduced by legislators. One kind, individual amendment, is linked to the majoritarian institution of a powerful presidency and therefore helps to increase governability. A second kind, collective amendment, is linked to consensual institutions and actually does not enhance legislative support for the Executive.

Rent dissipation, political viability and the strategic adoption of free trade agreements

This paper studies the political viability of free trade agreements (FTAs). The key element of the analysis is the “rent dissipation” that these arrangements induce: by eliminating intra-bloc trade barriers, an FTA reduces the incentives of the local firms to lobby for higher external tariffs, thereby causing a reduction of the rents created in the lobbying process. The prospect of rent dissipation moderates the governments’ willingness to participate in FTAs; they will support only arrangements that are “substantially” welfare improving, and no FTA that reduces welfare. Rent dissipation also implies that the prospects of political turnover may create strategic reasons for the formation of FTAs. Specifically, a government facing a high enough probability of losing power may want to form a trade bloc simply to “tie the hands” of its successor. An FTA can affect the likelihood of political turnover as well. If the incumbent party has a known bias toward special interests, it may want to commit to less distortionary policies in order to reduce its electoral disadvantage; the rent dissipation effect ensures that an FTA can serve as the vehicle for such a commitment. In nascent/unstable democracies, the incumbent government can use a free trade agreement also to reduce the likelihood of a dictatorial takeover and to “consolidate” democracy – a finding that is consistent with the timing of numerous accessions to and formations of preferential arrangements.

The Brazilian financial system and the green economy : alignment with sustainable development

Three studies were prepared and are presented in this document. The first, The Brazilian Financial Sector Institutional Context in the Transition to Sustainable Development looks at the legislation, regulation, and public policies aimed at socio-environmental themes related to the financial sector. The second study, Current Financing for the Green Economy in Brazil, provides an initial estimate of the financial assets already allocated to the green economy, as well as a methodological proposal for the survey and monitoring of the respective flow of assets. The third and final study looks at two important segments of the Brazilian economy and their process of transition to a greener economy: renewable energy and agriculture.