17 resultados para Free Trade Agreement (FTA)

em Repositório digital da Fundação Getúlio Vargas - FGV


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Rio de Janeiro

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We identify trade in goods opportunities in a EU-Mercosul free trade area. Gains for Mercosul are rather concentrated, being mostly associated to a few agricultural commodities nowadays facing high protection barriers. EU gains are evenly spread, comprising a variety of market penetration possibilities. Trade deviation by the EU products is never higher than trade creation, confirming their international competitiveness and signalling that a great distortion of Mercosul’s imports won’t take place. Balanced gains exist for both sides; for Mercosul, the agreement can act as a first serious trial for future liberalisations with other developed partners, and as a warning on needed competitiveness improvements.

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This paper studies the political viability of free trade agreements (FTAs). The key element of the analysis is the “rent dissipation” that these arrangements induce: by eliminating intra-bloc trade barriers, an FTA reduces the incentives of the local firms to lobby for higher external tariffs, thereby causing a reduction of the rents created in the lobbying process. The prospect of rent dissipation moderates the governments’ willingness to participate in FTAs; they will support only arrangements that are “substantially” welfare improving, and no FTA that reduces welfare. Rent dissipation also implies that the prospects of political turnover may create strategic reasons for the formation of FTAs. Specifically, a government facing a high enough probability of losing power may want to form a trade bloc simply to “tie the hands” of its successor. An FTA can affect the likelihood of political turnover as well. If the incumbent party has a known bias toward special interests, it may want to commit to less distortionary policies in order to reduce its electoral disadvantage; the rent dissipation effect ensures that an FTA can serve as the vehicle for such a commitment. In nascent/unstable democracies, the incumbent government can use a free trade agreement also to reduce the likelihood of a dictatorial takeover and to “consolidate” democracy – a finding that is consistent with the timing of numerous accessions to and formations of preferential arrangements.

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This document discusses Brazil and the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA). Since the FTAA is only a proposed agreement and trade apparatus at the moment, NAFTA is used as a working model and its influence on and benefit for Mexico and that country’s economy.

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O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar a economia política da Área de Livre Comércio das Américas a partir de um jogo político seqüencial não-cooperativo de Stackelberg entre uma grande economia e uma pequena economia, onde a disputa política entre grupos lobistas rivais define as preferências unilaterais dos governos no primeiro estágio e o equilíbrio "coalition-proof" de Stackelberg define o formato do acordo de livre comércio no segundo estágio. Finalmente, discutese algumas modificações na estrutura inicial do jogo que possam aumentar o poder de negociação da pequena economia.

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This paper presents evidence on the key role of infrastructure in the Andean Community trade patterns. Three distinct but related gravity models of bilateral trade are used. The first model aims at identifying the importance of the Preferential Trade Agreement and adjacency on intra-regional trade, while also checking the traditional roles of economic size and distance. The second and third models also assess the evolution of the Trade Agreement and the importance of sharing a common border, but their main goal is to analyze the relevance of including infrastructure in the augmented gravity equation, testing the theoretical assumption that infrastructure endowments, by reducing trade and transport costs, reduce “distance” between bilateral partners. Indeed, if one accepts distance as a proxy for transportation costs, infrastructure development and improvement drastically modify it. Trade liberalization eliminates most of the distortions that a protectionist tariff system imposes on international business; hence transportation costs represent nowadays a considerably larger barrier to trade than in past decades. As new trade pacts are being negotiated in the Americas, borders and old agreements will lose significance; trade among countries will be nearly without restrictions, and bilateral flows will be defined in terms of costs and competitiveness. Competitiveness, however, will only be achieved by an improvement in infrastructure services at all points in the production-distribution chain.

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We contrast Free Trade Areas involving Mercosul and the EU25, the US and China, respectively, using a new CGE model and associated database. Roughly, the China FTA lies halfway the other two, a bias towards the US pattern being suggested. When considering China a new Northern partner, protective deals don’t seem advisable. China’s advantages should prevail when facing the US or the EU: its need of capital goods, for instance, may open profitable cross-exchanges. China’s emergence can be a positive factor, if placed in an enlarged policy space where, together with its Asian neighbours, it counter-balances the US-EU polarity.

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This paper studies the consequences of trade policy for the adoption of new technologies. It develops a dynamic international trade model with two sectors. Workers in manufacturing decide if new technologies are used, capital owners then choose investment. We analyze three different arrangements: free trade, tariffs, and quotas. In the model economy, free trade as well as tariffs guarantee that the most productive technology available will be used. In contrasL under a quota the most productive technology available will not be used at all times. Further, in the latter case investment and the capital stock are smaller than in the former one. Finally, there exists parameter values for which the computed difference in GDP is a factor of thirty.

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This paper analyzes the determinants of expectational coordination on the perfect foresight equilibrium of an open economy in the class of one-dimensional models where the price is determined by price expectations. In this class of models, we relate autarky expectational stability conditions to regional integration ones, providing an intuitive open economy interpretation ofthe elasticities condition obtained by Guesnerie [11]. There, we show that the degree of structural heterogeneity trades-off the existence of standard efficiency gains -due to the increase in competition (spatial price stabilization)- and coordination upon the welfare enhancing free-trade equilibrium (stabilizing price expectations). This trade-off provides a new rationale for an exogenous price intervention at the international levei. Through the coordinational concern of the authority, trading countries are ab]e to fully reap the bene:fits from trade. We illustrate this point showing that classical measures evaluating ex-ante the desirability of economic integration (net welfare gains) do not always advise integration between two expectationally stable economies.

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The Import Substitution Process in Latin Amer ica was an attempt to enhance GDP growth and productivity by rising trade barriers upon capital-intensive products. Our main goal is to analyze how an increase in import tariff on a particular type of good affects the production choices and trade pattern of an economy. We develop an extension of the dynamic Heckscher-Ohlin model – a combination of a static two goods, two-factor Heckscher-Ohlin model and a two-sector growth model – allowing for import tariff. We then calibrate the closed economy model to the US. The results show that the economy will produce less of both consumption and investment goods under autarky for low and high levels of capital stock per worker. We also find that total GDP may be lower under free trade in comparison to autarky.

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The main subject of this study is the analysis of negotiations. The study was developed based on the scenery of paralization and impasse of the negotiations for the Free Trade Area of the Americas - FTAA. Generally speaking, delays and interruptions caused by controversies and impasses end up becoming strong efficiency problems which jeopardize the consensus building during any negotiation. As a justification, the target of this study is to identify processes and recommendations to help obtain, efficiently, agreements in the negotiations. Its final objective was to search for theoretical tools and techniques to be applied in situations of stoppage in a sense of eliminating the difficulties or making them at least easier to deal with. Secondarily other theoretical points of view were considered with the intention of understanding how strategies and theoretical tools can contribute in each situation or in each different scenario of the negotiation. Through the different ways of looking at it for the conduction of the negotiations, for evaluating the dimensions of the negotiations and in order to build up the consensus, the researcher was able to understand the perception and the interpretation of the subject in view. At last the conclusion was that the applicability of the chosen framework is positive in helping solve problems and controversies as well as building up the consensus during the negotiations.

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Este trabalho mostra que o fomento de clusters na área de produtos regIOnaIS - particularmente compostos por empresas de micro, pequeno e médio porte - representa uma estratégia alternativa econômica futura para a Zona Franca de Manaus - ZFM e o resto da Amazônia Ocidental. Além dos fundamentos teóricos relacionados aos clusters e pólos de desenvolvimento, o estudo baseou-se também nas evidências empíricas de quatro empresas de Manaus que operam com produtos regionais amazônicos. A pesquisa detecta a formação inicial de um cluster na área de produtos regionais que necessita de uma interação maior entre todos os agentes locais, a fim de ser operacionalizado. Conclui que estratégias econômicas para exploração das potencialidades regionais podem levar ao desenvolvimento de clusters de indústrias baseada na biodiversidade da região que usará matéria-prima local e conhecimento. Desta maneira, as estratégias de desenvolvimento sustentado podem trazer de volta muitos beneficios à região Amazônica e contribuir para a diversificação da atual base industrial da ZFM.

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A década de 90 representou significativas mudanças no panorama político econômico brasileiro, especificamente no projeto de desenvolvimento regional denominado Zona Franca de Manaus. Esse projeto foi concebido, primordialmente para integrar essa imensa região Amazônica ao restante do Brasil, em termos de complexa ordem geopolítica dominante nos anos 60. A análise que objetiva essa dissertação trata da evolução do emprego industrial no Pólo Industrial de Manaus na década de 90, com a conotação de expectativas, resultados e possibilidades. A implementação do projeto Zona Franca de Manaus, no que concerne seu Pólo Industrial permitiu que contingentes de mão-de-obra abundante na capital do Estado do Amazonas, tivesse a oportunidade de inserir-se no mercado de trabalho do processo de industrialização moderna. Todavia, essa mão-de-obra abundante não estava preparada para o que as indústrias demandavam, sendo necessários intensivos programas de adequação profissional para que possibilitasse o aproveitamento em processos produtivos de linhas de montagem. o Pólo Industrial de Manaus, apesar de todas as mudanças havidas na economia brasileira no período analisado, obteve significativos alcance de competências na capacitação desse contingente de trabalhadores que foram absorvidos, quando o paradigma da intensividade do fator trabalho imperava no Pólo. Entretanto, o processo de mudança que a globalização econômica e industrial provocou no sistema de produção global, trouxe para o modelo industrial da Zona Franca de Manaus acelerada mudança desse paradigma, resultando variações na demanda por mão-de-obra e acarretando significativo desemprego estrutural. É desse contexto de mudanças que trata o estudo apresentado, analisando a evolução das variáveis que influenciaram no nível de emprego industrial e no mercado de trabalho, as expectativas de novos perfis e as demandas específicas que o novo paradigma de capital intensivo, adotado pelas empresas de classe mundial desse Pólo exigem.

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Trata-se de um estudo sobre a cultura organizacional em uma empresa coreana, a Samsung Eletrônica Amazônia S.A,. afiliada da Samsung Corporation, implantada no Distrito Industrial de Manaus, Estado do Amazonas, a partir de 1986, atraída pelos incentivos da Zona Franca de Manaus. A partir de uma pesquisa extensa, realizada em junho de 2001, pelo Setor de Recursos Humanos da empresa, foram selecionadas vinte e seis matrizes cujos resultados comprov_ lm a principal hipótese do trabalho: a de que a cultura da empresa pode ser a responsável pelos problemas existentes em sua área de produção, interferindo na qualidade de seus produtos. Das conclusões da pesquisa, portanto, infere-se que os dirigentes da empresa, todos coreanos, entram em choque com a cultura dos empregados na linha de produção, todos de naturalidade amazonense. Assim, os problemas entre essas duas culturas interferem negativamente em todos os indicadores da pesquisa, a saber: identidade, comunicação, liderança, percepção e interação.

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This paper analyses the equilibrium structure of protection in Mercosul, developing empirical analyses based on the literature ensuing from the sequence of models set forth by Grossman and Helpman since 1994. Not only Mercosul’s common external tariff (CET) may be explained under a political economy perspective, but the existence of deviations, both at the level of the external tariffs and at that of the internal ones, make it interesting to contrast several structures under this approach. Different general equilibrium frameworks, in which governments are concerned with campaign contributions and with the welfare of the average voter, while organized special-interest groups care only about the welfare of their members, are used as the theoretical basis of the empirical tests. We build a single equation for explaining the CET and two fourequations systems (one equation for each member) for explaining deviations from the CET and from the internal free trade between members. The results (at the two-digit level) shed an interesting light on the sectoral dynamics of protection in each country; notably, Brazil seems to fit in better in the model framework, followed by Uruguay. In the case of the CET, and of deviations from it, the interaction between the domestic lobbies in the four countries plays a major role. There is also suggestion that the lobby structure that bid for deviations, be they internal or external, differs from the one which bid for the CET.