15 resultados para Brazil - History

em Repositório digital da Fundação Getúlio Vargas - FGV


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The paper studies Brazil’s economic growth and begins with a brief overview of events that marked the country’s development from her discovery to the 19th century. It then divides the years between 1900 and 2008 into four periods. The breaks in regime occur in 1918, 1967 and 1980, according to the methodology created by Bai and Perron (1998, 2003). The use of the accounting methodology serves the analysis of the behavior of productivity in the previously identified different phases of the post-World War II period. High inflation might have been a reason for the decline in productivity observed between 1980 and mid-1990s. The paper shows that terms of trade have a significant effect on economic growth and output fluctuations. Other factors (such as fiscal stimulus or easy access to foreign finance) also matter for output accelerations in the short run. From 2004 to 2008, terms of trade improvement and debt reduction brought economic progress. The emergence of a new era in this millennium will depend on wiser fiscal policies than those of the past.

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This overview of the development of the oral history field in Brasil analyzes the different approaches used in the area, discusses its major topics of interest, and traces the organizational and historical paths of the country's most important oral history programs.

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This report was inspired by a personal motivation to acquire more in depth knowledge about Brazil and Lusophone (Portuguese speaking) African nations and how they interact with each other in relation to their common colonial histories, cultures, and on matters of international relations, international development, and international trade. The countries selected for purpose and focus of this report are Brazil, Angola, and Mozambique; reference will also be made with respect to other Lusophone African countries such as Cabo Verde, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé e Príncipe. Some of the research methodologies used to gather information about Brazil, Angola, Mozambique, and other Lusophone African nations in relation to their respective histories, international relations, international trade relations, and roles in the global economy as emerging market nations.

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O impacto positivo dos investimentos de Private Equity e Venture Capital (PE/VC) na economia e no mercado de capitais está amplamente documentado pela literatura acadêmica internacional. Nos últimos 40 anos, diversos autores têm estudado a influência desta classe de ativos na criação, no desenvolvimento e na transformação de milhares de empresas ao redor do mundo, especialmente nos Estados Unidos. Entretanto, os estudos sobre os determinantes da captação de recursos de PE/VC têm se desenvolvido apenas mais recentemente, e seus resultados estão longe de ser uma unanimidade. No Brasil, a pesquisa sobre a indústria de PE/VC ainda é escassa. Embora a indústria local venha crescendo rapidamente desde 2006, tendo alcançado US$36,1 bilhões em capital comprometido em 2009, ainda não há estudos sobre as variáveis que influenciam na alocação de capital pelos investidores nesta modalidade de investimento no Brazil. Entender esta dinâmica é importante para o equilíbrio e a eficiência de mercado. Baseado no trabalho de Gompers e Lerner (1998) sobre os determinantes da indústria de PE/VC nos Estados Unidos, este trabalho contribui com a literatura de PE/VC ao: (i) revisitar o começo desta indústria no Brasil; e (ii) identificar quais as variáveis influenciam no desenvolvimento da indústria de PE/VC local. Os resultados deste estudo contribuem para o desenvolvimento acadêmico da indústria de PE/VC no Brasil. Além disso, as discussões aqui apresentadas poderão impactar outras áreas de estudo que são permeadas pelo tema, tais como Gestão de Investimentos, Governança Corporativa, Empreendedorismo e Estratégia. Profissionais de mercado também deverão se interessar no trabalho. As discussões sobre a história e os fundamentos da indústria fornecem aos investidores, empreendedores, gestores de investimentos e formuladores de políticas públicas, entre outros, um melhor entendimento sobre como o ecossistema de PE/VC funciona no Brasil.

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The present volume is the fruit of a research initiative on Access to Knowledge begun in 2004 by Yochai Benkler, Eddan Katz, and myself. Access to Knowledge is both a social movement and an approach to international and domestic policy. In the present era of globalization, intellectual property and information and communications technology are major determinants of wealth and power. The principle of access to knowledge argues that we best serve both human rights and economic development through policies that make knowledge, knowledge-creating tools, and nowledgeembedded goods as widely available as possible for decentralized innovation and use. Open technological standards, a balanced approach to intellectual property rights, and expansion of an open telecommunications infrastructure enable ordinary people around the world to benefit from the technological advances of the information age and allow them to generate a vibrant, participatory and democratic culture. Law plays a crucial role in securing access to knowledge, determining whether knowledge and knowledge goods are shared widely for the benefit of all, or controlled and monopolized for the benefit of a few.

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O estudo teve como proposta identificar na comunidade do Morro do Vital Brazil referências que indicassem sentido de coletividade e continuidade. Essa comunidade, como pretendido apontar, teria sua origem, nas décadas de 1920 e 1930, no entorno do Instituto de Hygiene, Sorotherapia e Veterinária do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, hoje, Instituto Vital Brazil. Por ser fábrica farmacêutica, a produção necessitaria de mão-de-obra, que no caso estudado, passou a morar no morro atrás do Instituto, mas ainda em seu território. Dessa origem, surge uma comunidade com características de cooperação, união e associativismo. Com a prosperidade da fábrica, cresce o número de moradores e inicia-se um conjunto de domicílios e famílias também possuidores de aspectos em comum. Essas identidades possibilitam um encontro com o poder público na forma de políticos e políticas, como o Programa Médico de Família. Com esse último, interesse inicial da pesquisa, nasceu a relação entre a pesquisadora em questão, médica no posto PMF Vital Brazil, e evidenciou performances dos moradores que indicavam um pertencimento e lugar de fala diferenciado. O estudo apontou características da comunidade e dos atores que contribuíram na criação desse coletivo, utilizou como metodologia a história oral.

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Racism in Brazil has some specificities when compared to other countries, for, differently from, for instance, South Africa and the United States, Brazilian Constitutions, ever since the Independence (1822), have never distinguished the citizens according to race or color. Furthermore, since the mid-1900s, Afro-Brazilian cultural manifestations, such as, for example, samba and capoeira, started to be valued as a part of our “national identity”. These specificities make race relations in Brazilian society a much more complex issue. This paper is focused on selected parts of interviews that deal with the nature of racial discrimination in Brazil, extracted from interviews with leaders of the black movement produced within the scope of the project “The History of Black Movement in Brazil: organization of a collection of Oral History Interviews”, developed by CPDOC, Getulio Vargas Foundation (Rio de Janeiro). These “histories within history”, as told by our interviewees, may be transformed into images that will be able to condense a given reality, thus allowing us to evaluate the gains obtained by oral history methodology.

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Brazil’s experience shows that the economic and political history of a country is a critical determinant of which labor laws influence wages and employment, and which are not binding. Long periods of high inflation, illiteracy of the workforce, and biases in the design and enforcement of labor legislation bred by the country’s socioeconomic history are all important in determining the reach of labor laws. Defying conventional wisdom, these factors are shown to affect labor market outcomes even in the sector of employment regarded as unregulated. Following accepted practice in Brazil, we distinguish regulated from unregulated employment by determining whether or not the contract has been ratified by the Ministry of Labor, viz., groups of workers with and without signed work booklet. We then examine the degree of adherence to labor laws in the formal and informal sectors, and finds “pressure points” – viz., evidence of the law on minimum wage, work-hours, and payment timing being binding on outcomes – in both the formal and informal sectors of the Brazilian labor market. The findings of the paper imply that in terms of the design of legislation, informality in Brazil is mainly a fiscal, and not a legal phenomenon. But the manner in which these laws have been enforced is also critical determinant of informality in Brazil: poor record-keeping has strengthened the incentives to stay informal that are already built into the design of the main social security programs, and ambiguities in the design of labor legislation combined with slanted enforcement by labor courts have led to workers effectively being accorded the same labor rights whether or not they have ratified contracts. The incentives to stay informal are naturally higher for workers who are assured of protection under labor legislation regardless of the nature of their contract, which only alters their financial relationship with the government. The paper concludes that informality in Brazil will remain high as long as labor laws remain ambiguous and enforced with a clear pro-labor bias, and social security programs lack tight benefitcontribution linkages and strong enforcement mechanisms.

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The history of independent Brazil may be divided into three major state–society cycles, and, after 1930, five political pacts or class coalitions can be identified. These pacts were nationalist; only in the 1990s did the Brazilian elites surrender to the neoliberal hegemony. Yet, since the mid-2000s they have been rediscovering the idea of the nation. The main claim of the essay is that Brazilian elites and Brazilian society are “national–dependent”, that is, they are ambivalent and contradictory, requiring an oxymoron to define them. They are dependent because they often see themselves as “European” and the mass of the people as inferior. But Brazil is big enough, and there are enough common interests around its domestic market, to make the Brazilian nation less ambivalent. Today Brazil is seeking a synthesis between the last two political cycles – between social justice and economic development in the framework of democracy.

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Apos uma década de rápido crescimento econômico na primeira década do século 21, Brasil e Turquia foram considerados duas das economias emergentes mais dinâmicas e promissoras. No entanto, vários sinais de dificuldades econômicas e tensões políticas reapareceram recentemente e simultaneamente nos dois países. Acreditamos que esses sinais e a sua simultaneidade podem ser entendidos melhor com um olhar retrospectivo sobre a história econômica dos dois países, que revela ser surpreendentemente paralela. Numa primeira parte, empreendemos uma comparação abrangente da história econômica brasileira e turca para mostrar as numerosas similaridades entre os desafios de política econômica que os dois países enfrentaram, assim como entre as respostas que eles lhes deram desde a virada da Grande Depressão até a primeira década do século 21. Essas escolhas de política econômica comuns dão forma a uma trajetória de desenvolvimento notavelmente análoga, caracterizada primeiro pela adoção do modelo de industrialização por substituição das importações (ISI) no contexto da recessão mundial dos anos 1930; depois pela intensificação e crise final desse modelo nos anos 1980; e finalmente por duas décadas de estabilização e transição para um modelo econômico mais liberal. Numa segunda parte, o desenvolvimento das instituições econômicas e políticas, assim como da economia política subjacente nos dois países, são analisados comparativamente a fim de prover alguns elementos de explicação do paralelo observado na primeira parte. Sustentamos que o marco institucional estabelecido nos dois países durante esse período também têm varias características fundamentais em comum e contribui a explicar as escolhas de política econômica e as performances econômicas comparáveis, detalhadas na primeira parte. Este estudo aborda elementos do contexto histórico úteis para compreender a situação econômica e política atual nos dois países. Potencialmente também constitui uma tentativa de considerar as economias emergentes numa perspectiva histórica e comparativa mais ampla para entender melhor as suas fraquezas institucionais e adotar um olhar mais equilibrado sobre seu potencial econômico.

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This article seeks to analyse the mass protests that ecloded in the main cities in Brazil in June 2013 - the so-called June Journeys -, event which represented an inflection moment in the country's recent political history and inaugurated a new social mobilization cycle in the country. This analysis will begin with the presupposition that the strong digital inclusion that has been going on over recent years was a main element, but not the only one, responsible for the occurrence of protests. Still, although digital inclusion has been a central tool that allowed these demonstrations to happen in the first place, it was not the only responsible for leading over 1 million people to the streets. Factors such as frustrated expectations over the continuity of the social inclusion process that had been ongoing over the last decade, the rising educational level and a political representation crisis contributed to social mobilization, and were amplified due to widening internet access - and, therefore, access to information - across the population

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What you see above is a graphic representation of something anyone who followed the campaign that led to the re-election of Dilma Rousseff as Brazil’s president on October 26 already knows: the election was the most polarised in the country’s history. Brasil was split down the middle, not only numerically (Dilma got 52 per cent, Aécio Neves 48) and geographically (Dilma won in the less developed north, Aécio in the more prosperous south). The twitterspere, too, was divided into two camps. Not only that; they hardly talked to each other at all.

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The Brazilian domestic debt has posed two challenges to policy-makers: it has grown very fast and its maturity is extremely short. This has prompted fears that a default or a compulsory lengthening scheme would be imposed. Here, we analyse the domestic public debt management experience in Brazil, searching for policy prescriptions for the next few years. After briefiy reviewing the recent domestic public debt history, we decompose the large rise in federal bonded debt during 1995-2000, searching for its macroeconomic causes. The main culprits are the extremely high interest payments-which, unti11998, were caused by the weak fiscal stance and the quasi-fixed exchange-rate regime; and since 1999, by the impact ofthe currency depreciation On the dollar-indexed and the externai debt-, and the accumulation of assets of doubtful value, much of which may have to be written off in the future. Simulation exercises of the net debt path for the near future underscore the importance of a tighter fiscal stance to prevent the debt-GDP ratio from growing further. Given the need to quickly lengthen the debt maturity, our main policy advice is to foster, and rely more on, infiation-linked bonds.