Onda jovem na educação profissional: determinantes e motivações

O artigo documenta a evolução da educação profissional entre jovens e busca as suas causas objetivas, aí incluindo o perfil socioeconômico e geográfico da nova demanda, a oferta de cursos privados de informática, de programas estaduais e federais, entre outras. Outra linha assumida ouve as razões dos jovens para percalços entre oferta e demanda da educação profissional como motivos para não frequentar cursos, para não terminá-los e/ou para não aplicá-los no mercado de trabalho.

Nova classe média: um estudo empírico sobre os enquadramentos da mídia

Em agosto de 2012, o economista-chefe do Centro de Políticas Sociais da Fundação Getulio Vargas (FGV), Marcelo Neri, foi nomeado presidente do Instituto de Pesquisa Econômica Aplicada (Ipea). Em março do mesmo ano, ainda pela FGV, Neri lançara o livro A Nova Classe Média: o lado brilhante da base da pirâmide, que retoma a série de estudos sobre a nova classe média que vinha realizando pela Fundação desde 2008. O presente trabalho analisa mudanças no enquadramento das notícias do jornal O Globo relativas à nova classe média nos períodos em que Marcelo Neri atuou na FGV e, posteriormente, no governo federal, por meio de uma Análise de Enquadramento Textualmente Orientada – método crítico de análise dos enquadramentos da mídia cujo intuito é auxiliar na percepção e mensuração de mudanças nos vieses noticiosos em função de variáveis políticas. Tal metodologia alia a análise linguística de grandes volumes de texto à teoria social do discurso, e foi desenvolvida em parceria com a Escola de Matemática Aplicada (EMAp/FGV), tendo como base ferramentas computacionais de Linguística de Corpus e Processamento de Linguagem Natural (PLN).

Para redes sociais, Marcelo Oliveira substituirá Oswaldo no Palmeiras

O principal assunto esportivo entre os internautas que utilizam as redes sociais nesta terça-feira (09) foi a demissão do técnico do Palmeiras Oswaldo de Oliveira. Foram captadas mais de 9 mil menções relacionadas ao assunto e sobre os possíveis substitutos do ex-comandante.

Avaliação de impacto de políticas de segurança: o caso das Unidades de Polícia Pacificadora (UPPs) no Rio de Janeiro

Esta tese tem como objetivo a avaliação dos primeiros impactos da política de UPPs, buscando incorporar as relações de causalidade envolvidas através de análises de diferenças-em-diferenças com diversas especificações a fim de medir os impactos sobre criminalidade, desempenho escolar,renda, desigualdade, posse de ativos e imigração.

Os efeitos macroeconômicos das transferências sociais: uma abordagem de matriz de contabilidade social

Government transfers to individuals and families play a central role in the Brazilian social protection system, accounting for almost 14 per cent of GDP in 2009. While their fiscal and redistributive impacts have been widely studied, the macroeconomic effects of transfers are harder to ascertain. We constructed a Social Accounting Matrix (SAM) for 2009 and estimated short-term multipliers for seven different government monetary transfers . The SAM is a double-entry square matrix depicting all income flows in the economy. The data were compiled from the 2009 Brazilian National Accounts and the 2008/2009 POF, a household budget survey. Our SAM was disaggregated into 56 sectors, 110 commodities, 200 household groups and seven factors of production (capital plus six types of labor, according to schooling). Finally, we ran a set of regressions to separate household consumption into ‘autonomous’ (or ‘exogenous’) and ‘endogenous’ components. More specifically, we are interested in the effects of an exogenous injection into each of the seven government transfers outlined above. All the other accounts are thus endogenous. The so-called demand ‘leaks’ are income flows from the endogenous to exogenous accounts. Leaks—such as savings, taxes and imports—are crucial to determine the multiplier effect of an exogenous injection, as they allow the system to go back to equilibrium. The model assumes that supply is perfectly elastic to demand shocks. It assumes that the families’ propensity to save and consumption profile are fixed—that is, rising incomes do not provoke changes in behaviour. The multiplier effects of the on GDP corresponds to the growth in GDP resulting from each additional dollar injected into each transfer seven government transfers. If the government increased Bolsa Família expenditures by 1 per cent of GDP, overall economic activity would grow by 1.78 per cent, the highest effect. The Continuous Cash Benefit, comes second. Only three transfers— the private-sector and public servants’ pensions and FGTS withdrawals—had multipliers lower than unity. The multipliers for other relevant macroeconomic aggregates—household and total consumption, disposable income etc. —reveal a similar pattern. Thus, under the stringent assumptions of our model, we cannot reject the hypothesis that government transfers targeting poor households, such as the Bolsa Família, help foster economic expansion. Naturally, it should be stressed that the multipliers relate marginal injections into government transfers to short-term economic performance either real growth, or inflation if there is no idle capacity which is also useful to analyze. In the long term, there is no doubt that what truly matters is the growth of the country’s productive capacity.

Impactos de Incentivos Financeiros sobre o Desempenho Escolar: Evidências do Programa Cartão Família Carioca

This study evaluates the program Cartão Família Carioca (CFC) conducted in the municipality of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Through the use of administrative data, we estimate the impact of financial incentives introduced by CFC on school attendance and students' performance on standardized tests. We find positive effects on Science test scores and negative effects on Reading test scores. We also verify a positive effect on school attendance.

Microinsurance: income risk, social security and the demand for private onsurance by low-income families

Insurance provision against uncertainties is present in several dimensions of peoples´s lives, such as the provisions related to, inter alia, unemployment, diseases, accidents, robbery and death. Microinsurance improves the ability of low-income individuals to cope with these risks. Brazil has a fairly developed financial system but still not geared towards the poor, especially in what concerns the insurance industry. The evaluation of the microinsurance effects on well-being, and the demand for different types of microinsurance require an analysis of the dynamics of the individual income process and an assessment of substitutes and complementary institutions that condition their respective financial behavior. The evaluation of the microinsurance effects on well-being, and the demand for different types of microinsurance require an analysis of the dynamics of the individual income process and an assessment of substitutes and complementary institutions that condition their respective financial behavior. The Brazilian government provides a relatively developed social security system considering other countries of similar income level which crowds-out the demand for insurance and savings. On the other hand, this same public infrastructure may help to foster microfinance products supply. The objective of this paper is to analyze the demand for different types of private insurance by the low-income population using microdata from a National Expenditure Survey (POF/IBGE). The final objective is to help to understand the trade-offs faced for the development of an emerging industry of microinsurance in Brazil.

O novo federalismo social e o Rio: desenho de programas complementares de transferência de renda condicionada

Brazilian public policy entered in the so-called new social federalism through its conditional cash transfers. States and municipalities can operate together through the nationwide platform of the Bolsa Familia Program (BFP), complementing federal actions with local innovations. The state and the city of Rio de Janeiro have created programs named, respectively, Renda Melhor (RM) and Família Carioca (FC). These programs make use of the operational structure of the BFP, which facilitates locating beneficiaries, issuing cards, synchronizing payment dates and access passwords and introducing new conditionalities. The payment system of the two programs complements the estimated permanent household income up to the poverty line established, giving more to those who have less. Similar income complementation system was subsequently adopted in the BFP and the Chilean Ingreso Ético Familiar, which also follow the principle of estimation of income used in the FC and in the RM. Instead of using the declared income, the value of the Rio cash transfers are set using the extensive collection of information obtained from the Single Registry of Social Programs (Cadastro Único): physical configuration of housing, access to public services, education and work conditions for all family members, presence of vulnerable groups, disabilities, pregnant or lactating women, children and benefits from other official transfers such as the BFP. With this multitude of assets and limitations, the permanent income of each individual is estimated. The basic benefit is defined by the poverty gap and priority is given to the poorest. These subnational programs use international benchmarks as a neutral ground between different government levels and mandates. Their poverty line is the highest of the first millennium goal of the United Nations (UN): US$ 2 per person per day adjusted for the cost of living. The other poverty line of the UN, US$ 1.25, was implicitly adopted as the national extreme poverty line in 2011. The exchange of methodologies between federal entities has happened both ways. The FC began with the 575,000 individuals living in the city of Rio de Janeiro who were on the payroll of the BFP. Its system of impact evaluation benefited from bi-monthly standardized examinations. In the educational conditionalities, the two programs reward students' progress, a potential advantage for those who most need to advance. The municipal program requires greater school attendance than that of the BFP and the presence of students’ parents at the bimonthly meetings held on Saturdays. Students must achieve a grade of 8 or improve at least 20% in each exam to receive a bi-monthly premium of R$50. In early childhood, priority is given to the poor children in the program Single Administrative Register (CadÚnico) to enroll in kindergarten, preschools and complementary activities. The state program reaches more than one million people with a payment system similar to the municipal one. Moreover, it innovates in that it transfers awards given to high school students to savings accounts. The prize increases and is paid to the student, who can withdraw up to 30% annually. The total can reach R$3,800 per low-income student. The State and the city rewarded already education professionals according to student performance, now completing the chain of demand incentives on poor students and their parents. Increased performance is higher among beneficiaries and the presence of their guardians at meetings is twice compared to non beneficiaries; The Houston program, also focuses on aligning the incentives to teachers, parents and students. In general, the plan is to explore strategic complementarities, where the whole is greater than the sum of its parts. The objective is to stimulate, through targets and incentives, synergies between social actors (teachers, parents, students), between areas (education, assistance, work) and different levels of government. The cited programs sum their efforts and divide labor so as to multiply interactions and make a difference in the lives of the poor.