22 resultados para Rendimento Social de Inserção - Social Insertion Income


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O ambiente econômico global tem registrado um conjunto de mutações poderosos durante a última década. A liderança dos países ocidentais tem sido contestada pelo crescimento de novos atores no interior da arena global, determinando uma mudança dos interesses das nações bem estabelecidas, para realidades que antes eram considerados subdesenvolvidos ou incapaz de desempenhar um papel de liderança dentro do contexto da economia global. Assim, os países emergentes ganharam a atenção dos teóricos e gerentes internacionais, que começaram a olhar para estes assuntos, não só pelo seu potencial econômico, mas também para a identificação de novas soluções para a criação de um mundo mais sustentável. A tese em questão, estruturada como um case study, precisamente tenta compreender e retratar os dois temas mencionados acima. Por um lado, a pesquisa irá investigar as dimensões do mercado da BoP, com um foco no mercado brasileiro, pelo outro lado, o trabalho irá descrever uma soluções possíveis para explorar os mercados em desenvolvimento por grandes empresas privadas: o modelo de negócio social. Este novo paradigma, que combina o desempenho financeiro com a realização de impactos sociais entre a comunidade selecionada, será aprofundar através de um caso concreto implementado pela Coca-Cola Company no Brasil, o Projeto Coletivo. De acordo com as observações preliminares, o estudo de caso terá como objetivo compreender os desafios, as oportunidades, os obstáculos organizacionais e os métodos que podem subir a partir da implementação de um negócio social em um país em desenvolvimento seguindo a perspectiva anteriormente. Os resultados obtidos mostraram que, embora o paradigma pode representam uma solução viável, muitas questões organizacionais e culturais precisam ser levados em consideração para a sua implementação bem sucedida.

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Este trabalho tem o intuito de observar a relação entre as características do comportamento empreendedor (CCEs) e a origem sociocultural de empreendedores da cidade do Rio de Janeiro. Mais especificamente, este trabalho traz à luz as teorias de David McClelland, adotada pelo Sebrae através da metodologia do programa Empretec e a teoria de Pierre Bourdieu sobre Capital Cultural. O estudo traz em sua metodologia uma análise da origem sociocultural de empreendedores, seu contexto educacional, seu histórico familiar, seu grau de escolaridade, seus hábitos de consumo de produtos culturais e seu nível de internacionalização, correlacionando-os com as 10 CCEs propostas por McClelland: Busca de Oportunidades e Iniciativa, Persistência, Correr Riscos Calculados, Exigência de Qualidade e Eficiência, Comprometimento, Busca de Informações, Estabelecimento de Metas, Planejamento e Monitoramento Sistemáticos, Persuasão e Rede de Contatos, Independência e Autoconfiança. A metodologia aplicada foi baseada em pesquisa bibliográfica, em pesquisa de campo, dividida entre aplicação de questionários presenciais e online e em métodos quantitativos de análise de dados. Como resultados de campo, pode-se observar uma significante diferença entre os perfis socioeconômicos, culturais e educacionais de empreendedores de dentro e de fora de comunidades carentes no Rio de Janeiro. Confirmou-se um grau superior de Capital Cultura nos empreendedores externos às comunidades, observados através da renda, do grau de escolaridade, da escolaridade familiar, do acesso a bens culturais, do consumo de informação e do nível de internacionalização. Além destas constatações, a pesquisa revelou haver indícios que sustentem a existência de influência do Capital Cultural nas seguintes CCEs: Busca de Oportunidade e Iniciativa, Exigência de Qualidade e Eficiência, Correr Riscos Calculados, Estabelecimento de Metas, Persuasão e Redes de Contato e Independência e Autoconfiança.

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Five years ago, Coca-Cola Brasil launched a program named “Coletivo Project”, with the purpose to enjoy an opportunity of increase on the potential consumption power of the low-income pyramid population that lived on the “favelas”. At the same time, it had the objective to offer to them a social and financial impact, which is a trust on the future, the first job for the young adults’ participant of this program and an increase on their family source of revenues, through salaries. This was possible because through Coletivo Project, Coca-Cola identified the assets they have through its value chain, focusing on its competencies, such as retail, merchandising and logistics to apply them on courses to teach the young people of the communities and, as a result, form them to be able to find their new jobs. Internal indicators followed in a monthly basis by Coca-Cola demonstrated that the communities that had the presence of Coletivos, in comparison to those without Coletivos, had social and financial impacts. The social was the fact that the young formed started to have more confidence on their future and felt with a higher self-stem to apply for and obtain their first job. On the financial aspect, they were benefit through the increasing of their revenues and also their families and Coca-Cola had an increase on sales, when compared to a community without a Coletivo Project installed. This dissertation seeks to identify the current relationship between Coca-Cola and the communities, through the Coletivo Project classes performed on the NGOs located at this places, in order to identify opportunities for improvement the benefits and the impacts (financial and social) on the NGOs, communities and all stakeholders of this project. This dissertation examines this relationship, through presence interviews performed on four NGOs selected, and located on four of the twenty communities, that are participants of the Coletivo Project on Rio de Janeiro city. These interviews performed with the students, representatives and educators of these NGOs. The covered period of the interviews ranges from April 2014 to August 2014. This dissertation draws on first-hand qualitative empirical evidence gathered through extensive fieldwork. The main findings among possibilities for improvement by Coca-Cola are: • Implement new courses, beyond those existent at Coca-Cola (Retail, Logistics, etc.). • Increase the content of the employment module of Coletivo classes, focusing on improving educational, cultural, economic, political, social and professional life. • Increase the scale, through the quantity of positions on the Retail Coletivo classes. • Develop cultural and sports events with the communities. • Support the points of sales, participant of the practical classes of the Coletivo Retail, with refrigerators and furniture with the Coca-Cola logo. • Provide coffee breaks and meals during the Coletivo classes, using Coca-Cola beverages and partners for food items, developing the nutrition platform of the company and filling a need of the students. • Perform a research with all stakeholders related to this Project, including those students and mothers that are not participant of the Coletivo, in order to listen to them, understand their needs, and offer solutions to fulfill these gaps. and on the side of the • Perform partnerships with educational institutions to make viable other type of courses, more technical, but that have a relation with the core business of Coca-Cola Brasil, such as marketing. • Implement the Coca-Cola University, already existed at the Company. • Create courses or activities focused on the children. Regarding the impossibilities, the findings are: • Improve the basic sanitation of the communities. • Improve the safety on the communities. • Provide a home to those do not have. • Implement courses that have no relationship with Coca-Cola business and expertise, such as gastronomy. However, Coca-Cola can influence stakeholders on that. The results suggest to executives of Coca-Cola that a deep and a qualitative research on the communities of Brazil, in order to listen young people, educators, mothers, partners that offer jobs, from Coletivo and out of the project, is mandatory, to understand their needs, dreams, complains and offer valuable solutions to all.

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From a methodological point of view, this paper makes two contlibutions to the literature. One contribution is the proposal of a new measure of pro-poor growth. This new measure provides the linkage between growth rates in mean income and in income inequality. In this context, growth is defined as pro-poor (or anti-poor) if there is a gain (or loss) in the growth rate due to a decrease (or increase) in inequality. The other contribution is a decomposition methodology that explores linkages between three dimensions: growth pattems, labour market performances. and social policies. Through the decomposition analysis, growth in per capita income is explained in terms of four labour market components: the employment rate. hours of work, the labour force participation rate. and productivity. We also assess the contribution of different nonlabour income sources to growth patterns. The proposed methodologies are then applied to the Brazilian National Household Survey (PNAD) covering the period 1995-2004. The paper analyzes the evolution of Brazilian social indicators based on per capita income exploring links with adverse labour market performance and social policy change, with particular emphasis on the expansion of targeted cash transfers and devising more propoor social security benefits.

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Diante da necessidade de incorporação de indivíduos de baixa escolaridade e renda à força de trabalho brasileira e, por conseqüência, ao crescente consumo destes indivíduos e melhoria no bem-estar, propõe-se analisar neste estudo a vulnerabilidade de trabalho e social destes indivíduos. Os resultados encontrados devem ser úteis à formulação de políticas públicas de inclusão e re-qualificação profissional, bem como incentivar situações que levem a uma melhoria no bem estar destes indivíduos.

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Government transfers to individuals and families play a central role in the Brazilian social protection system, accounting for almost 14 per cent of GDP in 2009. While their fiscal and redistributive impacts have been widely studied, the macroeconomic effects of transfers are harder to ascertain. We constructed a Social Accounting Matrix (SAM) for 2009 and estimated short-term multipliers for seven different government monetary transfers . The SAM is a double-entry square matrix depicting all income flows in the economy. The data were compiled from the 2009 Brazilian National Accounts and the 2008/2009 POF, a household budget survey. Our SAM was disaggregated into 56 sectors, 110 commodities, 200 household groups and seven factors of production (capital plus six types of labor, according to schooling). Finally, we ran a set of regressions to separate household consumption into ‘autonomous’ (or ‘exogenous’) and ‘endogenous’ components. More specifically, we are interested in the effects of an exogenous injection into each of the seven government transfers outlined above. All the other accounts are thus endogenous. The so-called demand ‘leaks’ are income flows from the endogenous to exogenous accounts. Leaks—such as savings, taxes and imports—are crucial to determine the multiplier effect of an exogenous injection, as they allow the system to go back to equilibrium. The model assumes that supply is perfectly elastic to demand shocks. It assumes that the families’ propensity to save and consumption profile are fixed—that is, rising incomes do not provoke changes in behaviour. The multiplier effects of the on GDP corresponds to the growth in GDP resulting from each additional dollar injected into each transfer seven government transfers. If the government increased Bolsa Família expenditures by 1 per cent of GDP, overall economic activity would grow by 1.78 per cent, the highest effect. The Continuous Cash Benefit, comes second. Only three transfers— the private-sector and public servants’ pensions and FGTS withdrawals—had multipliers lower than unity. The multipliers for other relevant macroeconomic aggregates—household and total consumption, disposable income etc. —reveal a similar pattern. Thus, under the stringent assumptions of our model, we cannot reject the hypothesis that government transfers targeting poor households, such as the Bolsa Família, help foster economic expansion. Naturally, it should be stressed that the multipliers relate marginal injections into government transfers to short-term economic performance either real growth, or inflation if there is no idle capacity which is also useful to analyze. In the long term, there is no doubt that what truly matters is the growth of the country’s productive capacity.

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Brazilian public policy entered in the so-called new social federalism through its conditional cash transfers. States and municipalities can operate together through the nationwide platform of the Bolsa Familia Program (BFP), complementing federal actions with local innovations. The state and the city of Rio de Janeiro have created programs named, respectively, Renda Melhor (RM) and Família Carioca (FC). These programs make use of the operational structure of the BFP, which facilitates locating beneficiaries, issuing cards, synchronizing payment dates and access passwords and introducing new conditionalities. The payment system of the two programs complements the estimated permanent household income up to the poverty line established, giving more to those who have less. Similar income complementation system was subsequently adopted in the BFP and the Chilean Ingreso Ético Familiar, which also follow the principle of estimation of income used in the FC and in the RM. Instead of using the declared income, the value of the Rio cash transfers are set using the extensive collection of information obtained from the Single Registry of Social Programs (Cadastro Único): physical configuration of housing, access to public services, education and work conditions for all family members, presence of vulnerable groups, disabilities, pregnant or lactating women, children and benefits from other official transfers such as the BFP. With this multitude of assets and limitations, the permanent income of each individual is estimated. The basic benefit is defined by the poverty gap and priority is given to the poorest. These subnational programs use international benchmarks as a neutral ground between different government levels and mandates. Their poverty line is the highest of the first millennium goal of the United Nations (UN): US$ 2 per person per day adjusted for the cost of living. The other poverty line of the UN, US$ 1.25, was implicitly adopted as the national extreme poverty line in 2011. The exchange of methodologies between federal entities has happened both ways. The FC began with the 575,000 individuals living in the city of Rio de Janeiro who were on the payroll of the BFP. Its system of impact evaluation benefited from bi-monthly standardized examinations. In the educational conditionalities, the two programs reward students' progress, a potential advantage for those who most need to advance. The municipal program requires greater school attendance than that of the BFP and the presence of students’ parents at the bimonthly meetings held on Saturdays. Students must achieve a grade of 8 or improve at least 20% in each exam to receive a bi-monthly premium of R$50. In early childhood, priority is given to the poor children in the program Single Administrative Register (CadÚnico) to enroll in kindergarten, preschools and complementary activities. The state program reaches more than one million people with a payment system similar to the municipal one. Moreover, it innovates in that it transfers awards given to high school students to savings accounts. The prize increases and is paid to the student, who can withdraw up to 30% annually. The total can reach R$3,800 per low-income student. The State and the city rewarded already education professionals according to student performance, now completing the chain of demand incentives on poor students and their parents. Increased performance is higher among beneficiaries and the presence of their guardians at meetings is twice compared to non beneficiaries; The Houston program, also focuses on aligning the incentives to teachers, parents and students. In general, the plan is to explore strategic complementarities, where the whole is greater than the sum of its parts. The objective is to stimulate, through targets and incentives, synergies between social actors (teachers, parents, students), between areas (education, assistance, work) and different levels of government. The cited programs sum their efforts and divide labor so as to multiply interactions and make a difference in the lives of the poor.