An archaeology of West Polynesian prehistory

There can be little doubt on linguistic evidence that East Polynesia was first settled from West Polynesia. The author argues, however, that the related archaeological record has been made to fit with this dominant interpretative paradigm. Her objective assessment of the material evidence contradicts the popularly held view.

The Archaeology of No man's land: Indigenous camps at Corindi Beach, mid-north coast New South Wales

At Corindi Beach on the mid-north coast of New South Wales are five twentieth century campsites located on the fringes of the township, beside the town racecourse, an area called by local Aboriginal people 'No man's land'. These campsites are important symbols of the self-sufficient lifestyle followed by the Corindi Beach Indigenous community in the twentieth century and are a physical reminder of cross-cultural relationships between local people over the last hundred years. In a collaborative research project with Yarrawarra Aboriginal Corporation, these places are being documented through studying oral history, the cultural landscape and the material culture left behind at these places.

Kristeva and an archaeology of sources and translation

Pinder examines Julia Kristeva's essay "Stabat Mater," a focus of psychoanalytical, historical and cultural concepts which require very careful consideration. In order to illustrate the complexity of these linguistic and cultural interrelationships, she looks first at Kristeva's own original essay in French to see what light her method of construction may throw on her particular ideas, then examines some translations of the essay into English to see if there is anything lost by attrition or gained by accretion.

'This is not our country': Declining diversity in the Islamic Republic of Iran

The expulsion of Christians from Mosul by the Islamic State (IS) in the summer of 2014 marked the first time in nearly 2000 years that the Iraqi city lacked a Christian population.1 Along with the conflict in Syria and the other upheavals that have accompanied the phenomenon variously known as the Arab Spring, al-thawra or the Islamic Awakening, the emigration of Christians from their homes has accelerated in recent years. The Roman Catholic Pope Francis mentioned this during his visit to the region in May 2014, noting that these historic communities, among the oldest in the world, are decreasing to the point where their long-term existence is uncertain. This is because Christians in more stable parts of the Middle East are also leaving. This paper discusses one such example: the continuing emigration of Armenian Christians from Iran. For Iranian Armenians, the main incentive for emigration is the feeling of exclusion and alienation from the wider society. This has largely come about by the Islamic Republic’s promotion of a Shi’a-based Iranian identity which does not count minorities as full citizens. This in turn has led to the development of a sense of foreignness in Iranian society among Armenian youth. The lack of belonging makes their ties to Iran much less solid, and therefore makes migration a much less painful process. Furthermore, their parents, who were raised in the more pluralistic Iran of the last Shah, find it easier to identify as Iranians than their children.

Women's rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran: the contribution of secular-oriented feminism

A cornerstone of the conservative gender ideology of Iran’s clerical eliteis the conviction that biological differences between men and women arecause for them to have different roles and functions in society. Differentroles and functions translate to different (read unequal) legal rights.Notwithstanding the discriminatory gender policies of the state, Iranianwomen have refused to renege on their claims to equal rights. In the faceof intense political pressure to withdraw from the public arena, women inthe Islamic Republic have maintained a foothold in the political, socialand legal realms.

Twitter free Iran: an evaluation of Twitter's role in public diplomacy and information operations in Iran's 2009 election crisis

Social media platforms such as Twitter pose new challenges for decision-makers in an international crisis. We examine Twitter’s role during Iran’s 2009 election crisis using a comparative analysis of Twitter investors, US State Department diplomats, citizen activists and Iranian protestors and paramilitary forces. We code for key events during the election’s aftermath from 12 June to 5 August 2009, and evaluate Twitter. Foreign policy, international political economy and historical sociology frameworks provide a deeper context of how Twitter was used by different users for defensive information operations and public diplomacy. Those who believe Twitter and other social network technologies will enable ordinary people to seize power from repressive regimes should consider the fate of Iran’s protestors, some of whom paid for their enthusiastic adoption of Twitter with their lives.