Coping with defeat : acute glucocorticoid and forebrain responses to social defeat vary with defeat episode behaviour

Individuals vary in the way in which they cope with stressful situations. It has been suggested that ‘active’ coping behaviour, characterised by aggression and territorial control, is more effective in moderating the stress associated with social defeat than ‘passive’ coping behaviour, as characterised by immobility, decreased reactivity, and low aggression. We used the rodent ‘resident/intruder’ paradigm to determine whether individual differences in coping behaviour modulate the acute adrenocortical response to social defeat. During the 10 min conflict episode, behaviours displayed by the intruder were recorded and subsequently scored. Intruders that engaged in large numbers of fights and/or frequently used physical structures to block the resident's approach (a behaviour referred to as ‘guarding’), displayed smaller corticosterone responses to defeat than other intruders. Corticosterone responses to defeat were unrelated to a measure of coping style preferences (defensive burying test) obtained prior to the defeat encounter. We further chose to investigate the neurobiological basis of this observation by comparing the patterns of defeat-induced neuronal activation in the forebrains of intruders that displayed high versus low numbers of defensive behaviours during the defeat episode. The results of this analysis indicated that ‘low fight’ and ‘low guard’ intruders, i.e. those that achieved a fight or a guard score below the 20th percentile, had significantly higher numbers of Fos-positive neurons in forebrain regions such as the medial prefrontal cortex and the amygdala than did control animals exposed to an empty resident's cage. In summary, the present data suggest that ‘active’ coping behaviour is associated with both a smaller adrenocortical response and a lower level of ‘neural activation’ following social defeat. This outcome differs from that of earlier studies, a difference that we suggest is due to the fact that the present study is the first to assess coping on the basis of behaviour actually displayed during the conflict interaction.

The effect of social defeat on tyrosine hydroxylase phosphorylation in the rat brain and adrenal gland

Tyrosine hydroxylase (TH), the rate-limiting enzyme in catecholamine biosynthesis, is regulated acutely by protein phosphorylation and chronically by protein synthesis. No studies have systematically investigated the phosphorylation of these sites in vivo in response to stressors. We specifically investigated the phosphorylation of TH occurring within the first 24 h in response to the social defeat stress in the rat adrenal, the locus coeruleus, substantia nigra and ventral tegmental area. Five groups were investigated; home cage control (HCC), two groups that underwent social defeat (SD+) which were sacrificed either 10 min or 24 h after the end of the protocol and two groups that were put into the cage without the resident being present (SD−) which were sacrificed at time points identical to the SD+. We found at 10 min there were significant increases in serine 40 and 31 phosphorylation levels in the locus coeruleus in SD+ compared to HCC and increases in serine 40 phosphorylation levels in the substantia nigra in SD+ compared to SD−. We found at 24 h there were significant increases in serine 19 phosphorylation levels in the ventral tegmental area in SD+ compared to HCC and decreases in serine 40 phosphorylation levels in the adrenal in SD+ compared to SD−. These findings suggest that the regulation of TH phosphorylation in different catecholamine-producing cells varies considerably and is dependent on both the nature of the stressor and the time at which the response is analysed.

Repeated social defeat selectively increases ΔFosB expression and histone H3 acetylation in the infralimbic medial prefrontal cortex

Exposure to social stress has been linked to the development and maintenance of mood-related psychopathology; however, the underlying neurobiological changes remain uncertain. In this study, we examined numbers of ΔFosB-immunoreactive cells in the forebrains of rats subjected to 12 episodes of social defeat. This was achieved using the social conflict model whereby animals are introduced into the home cage of older males (“residents”) trained to attack and defeat all such “intruders”; importantly, controls were treated identically except that the resident was absent. Our results indicated that the only region in which ΔFosB-positive cells were found in significantly higher numbers in intruders than in controls was the infralimbic medial prefrontal cortex (mPFC). This same effect was not apparent using another psychological stressor, noise stress. Cells of the infralimbic mPFC also displayed evidence of chromatin remodeling. We found that exposure to repeated episodes of social defeat increased numbers of cells immunoreactive for histone H3 acetylation, but not for histone H3 phosphoacetylation, in the infralimbic mPFC. Collectively, these findings highlight the importance of the infralimbic mPFC in responding to social stress—a finding that provides insight into the possible neurobiological alterations associated with stress-induced psychiatric illness.

Fighting a tobacco rollback : a political analysis of the 1994 contraband crisis in Canada

We identify factors that led a regional government (Quebec, Canada) to opt for a reduction of its tobacco tax to combat tobacco smuggling. Then we explore the fallout of Quebec's tobacco-tax rollback on its tobacco control policy. We conducted qualitative research using a case-study design and multiple sources of data. We applied the Advocacy Coalition Framework in respect of data collection and analysis. Advocates of the tobacco-tax rollback framed the contraband problem in a way that won the support of an array of actors. However, anti-tobacco activists succeeded in convincing the government to invest more in tobacco control. The new resources were instrumental in enhancing the activists' ability to promote legislative measures. Our approach sheds light on the tobacco industry's strategy to have governments reducing their tobacco tax. Quebec offers an example of how tobacco control activists can transform defeat into the cornerstone of a comprehensive tobacco control policy.

Subjective well-being as an indicator for clinical depression

The Theory of Homeostasis posits that Subjective Well-being (SWB) is regulated by a dynamic biological mechanism, assisting to maintain a positive view of life. Further, the theory suggests that clinical depression is the loss of SWB due to the defeat of this homeostatic defence system. To test this hypothesis it was predicted that people who were diagnosed as clinically depressed with the Semi-structured Clinical Interview (SCID-1/NP) based on the DSM-IV-TR Axis 1 would have a Personal Well-being Index-Adult (PWI-A) score below the normative range (70–80% of scale maximum). Following ethical approval a sample of 146 men was obtained and each was assessed on the SCID-1/NP and on the PWI-A. Subjects diagnosed as having one of several pathologies such as post traumatic stress disorder, panic disorder, social phobia and specific phobia were found to score significantly lower on the PWI-A compared to participants who received no diagnosis. However, as the data did not discriminate between currently depressed and persons with other non-depressive psychopathologies, a Receiver Operating Characteristics (ROC) curve analysis was used to explore this data further. Results indicated that the PWI-A was significantly better than guessing in discriminating clinically depressed cases, but only just so. Therefore, while this research found support for the proposition that the loss of SWB indicated clinical depression, the PWI-A is not sufficiently specific for diagnosis, nor can it be concluded that all instances of depression is the failure of SWB.

Contentless thought : case study in the meaninglessness of all views

To defeat the heirs of the enlightenment with their own weapon i.e. reason itself. To reduce all philosophy all science all views to irrational meaningless babble using their own epistemic conditions of truth. To confound the products of reason by reason itself. To show that the rational in fact collapses into the irrational. By reason itself all products of human reason reduce to intellectual chaos. To shatter the categories of thought, to rob all views and ideas of any epistemic worth by using reason to show that they end in stultification foolishness, or absurdity. Reason confounds reason and convicts reason by it's own standard to unintelligibility, babble, stultification, incoherence foolishness and absurdity, or meaninglessness. Reasons critique of reason shows that there is no consistency in ally product of reason, no order , no coherence only chaos and absurdity, or meaninglessness. The life-jacket, or anchor reason gives in the void of meaninglessness is broken by reason itself. Into the void of nothing reason drops us. Cut adrift in meaninglessness we are free to acquire other insights other realizations by transcending reason. Meaning can be reduced to absurdity. Meaninglessness can be reduced to absurdity but for those who hold meaninglessness as a view, or meaning there is no hope.

The ALP after 2004

In 2004, for the first time in the two decades for which Australian Election Study (AES) data has become available, more blue-collar workers cast their primary vote for the Coalition parties than for Labor. Blue-collar support for Labor had partially recovered under Beazley in 1998 and 2001 following its dramatic drop under Keating in 1996 but it dropped to even lower levels under Latham in 2004. This paper analyses AES survey data, the actual voting results in each federal electorate and the demographic characteristics of those electorates to discuss the nature of Labor’s latest national election defeat and the reasons for it. There is considerable disagreement among commentators as to whether Labor has lost the last four national elections because it has failed to reconnect with its traditional voter base; or because it has failed to go beyond that base. Much of the disagreement centres on how blue-collar workers are to be understood. Are they ‘battlers’ and victims of ‘globalisation’ or have they become prosperous, upwardly-mobile and ‘aspirational’? Related questions include whether the most salient issues for blue-collar voters are economic, or cultural; and whether the most important inequalities in Australian society should be measured in terms of income; or occupation; or geographic location (including degree of distance from the inner-city). This paper analyses the policies presented in the 2004 election and engages with informed journalistic analyses, and contributions from past and present politicians, in addition to the work of political scientists, to help make sense of precisely where and why Labor lost support in 2004 and the implications this has for future ALP policy and strategy. The paper also contributes to the longer-term debates about the reasons for Howard’s electoral ascendancy since 1996; and the role and constituency of Pauline Hanson’s One Nation Party.

Problems of political transition in Ukraine : leadership failure and democratic consolidation

Democratisation and consolidation of a political system encompass a range of complex challenges, for which effective leadership is pivotal. However, the skills that a leader requires to break through and introduce change are not necessarily the same as those needed to maintain stability. This article examines the case of Viktor Yushchenko as president of Ukraine following the Orange Revolution. The negotiated transfer of power from the previous semi-authoritarian regime rendered consolidation difficult by limiting opportunities for a complete break. Within the residual 'grey area', a number of actors continued to participate and create tension. The regime that emerged was characterised by political infighting and instability, leading to the defeat of candidates associated with the Orange Revolution in the 2010 presidential elections. This article argues that the inability to move towards a consolidated democratic political system was due to the failure of the transitional leader, rather than the political and institutional configuration.

Farming fit? Dispelling the Australian agrarian myth.

Background: Rural Australians face a higher mental health and lifestyle disease burden (obesity, diabetes and
cardiovascular disease) than their urban counterparts. Our ongoing research reveals that the Australian farming
community has even poorer physical and mental health outcomes than rural averages. In particular, farm men and
women have high rates of overweightness, obesity, abdominal adiposity, high blood pressure and psychological
distress when compared against Australian averages. Within our farming cohort we observed a significant
association between psychological distress and obesity, abdominal adiposity and body fat percentage in the
farming population.
Presentation of hypothesis: This paper presents a hypothesis based on preliminary data obtained from an
ongoing study that could potentially explain the complex correlation between obesity, psychological distress and
physical activity among a farming population. We posit that spasmodic physical activity, changing farm practices
and climate variability induce prolonged stress in farmers. This increases systemic cortisol that, in turn, promotes
abdominal adiposity and weight gain.
Testing the hypothesis: The hypothesis will be tested by anthropometric, biochemical and psychological analysis
matched against systemic cortisol levels and the physical activity of the subjects.
Implications of the hypothesis tested: Previous studies indicate that farming populations have elevated rates of
psychological distress and high rates of suicide. Australian farmers have recently experienced challenging climatic
conditions including prolonged drought, floods and cyclones. Through our interactions and through the media it is
not uncommon for farmers to describe the effect of this long-term stress with feelings of ‘defeat’. By gaining a
greater understanding of the role cortisol and physical activity have on mental and physical health we may
positively impact the current rates of psychological distress in farmers.

The Australian Labor Party and its various constituencies

This paper discusses whether and how the Australian Labor Party (ALP) can balance the arguably conflicting interests and outlooks of its blue-collar 'heartland' and the socially progressive, middle-class, professional elements of its constituency. The paper includes analysis, in socio-geographical detail and in historical perspective, of the results of the November 2001 national Australian election as well as opinion poll trends and academic survey results and interpretations before and since that time. Debate intensified after Labor’s 2001 election defeat about the supposedly irreconcilable character of different Labor Party constituencies. Much of this debate however was (and remains) characterised by derogatory and judgemental categorisations of various ill-defined social groups. On the eve of the 2004 national Australian election, based on careful consideration of a range of demographic and electoral evidence, this paper contends that, while there are, at times, conflicting interests and outlooks between different elements of the ALP's constituency (just as there is amid the support base of many social democratic parties in western nations), the party's electoral future will be best served by standing on and extending as far as possible the considerable common ground between these various elements. This common ground, it is argued, consists of egalitarian economic policies which promote security in people's lives and which thus build scope for the pursuit and acceptance of more compassionate, outward looking social policies. Its consolidation requires leadership by the Party in shaping public opinion rather than mere reaction to what is assumed to be static public opinion.

To say goodbye loop

A composition that has a deep and longing feel to it. It evokes loss and love and features guitar, drums, synths and gated vocals in the bridge.

The 1947 bank nationalisation scheme : a prehistory of issues management?

Industry-wide crises emanating from legislative proposals are rare in Australia, and can be classed as once in a generation events, and so merit consideration and research. Currently, there is one such debate over the Mineral Resources Rent Tax, proposed by Prime Minister’s Julia Gillard’s government. Prior to this, the closest comparable event was the 1974 proposal for the establishment of a universal health insurance scheme. The 1947 proposal, by the Ben Chifley-led Labor Government, aimed to nationalise Australia’s banks, and it brought a crisis of massive proportions to Australia’s conservative financial service industry. Although the High Court of Australia finally found Chifley’s proposed legislation unconstitutional, the banks realised they must win in the court of public opinion, generate press coverage in favour of their position, and help defeat the Labor Government at the 1949 election. At the time, and for some decades to come, this was the most expensive and largest public relations campaign waged in Australia. After such a campaign there could be few Australians who could claim that they had not been exposed to the powers of public relations in a modern world. This paper looks at what can be learned from the banks’ collective response to the proposed nationalisation. It does so by applying contemporary issues management evaluation techniques.