144 resultados para political ideologies


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This research is about a shared journey of being together. It involved thirteen women nurses (including myself) in a process approach to working with data collected through audio transcriptions of conversations during group get-togethers, field notes and journalling over twelve months. The project was conducted in a large acute care metropolitan hospital where the ward staff interests lie in a practice history of the medical specialty of gynaecology and women's health. Prior to commencement ethical approval was gained from both the University and hospital ethics committees. Accessing the group was complicated by the political climate of the hospital, possibly exaggerated further by the health politics across the state of Victoria, at a time of major upheaval characterised by regionalism, rationalisation and debt servicing. In order to ascertain women clinical nurses' constructions of collegiality I adopted an ethnomethodological approach informed by a critical feminist lens to enable the participants to engage in a process of openly ideological inquiry, in critiquing and transforming practice. I felt the choice of methodology had to be consistent with my own ideological position to enable me to be myself (as much as I could) during the project. I wanted to work with women to illuminate the ways in which dominant ideologies had come to be apprehended, inscribed, embodied and/or resisted in the everyday intersubjective realities of participants. The research itself became a site of resistance as the group became aware of how and in what ways their lives had become distorted, while at the same time it collaboratively transformed their individual and collective practice understandings, enabling them to see the self and other anew. Set against the background of dominant discourses on collegiality, women's understandings of collegiality have remained a submerged discourse. Revealed in this work are complex inter-relationships that might be described by some as collegial!, but for others relations amongst these women depict alternative meanings in a rich picture of the fabric of ward life. The participants understand these relations through a connectedness that has empathy as its starting point. In keeping with my commitment to engage with these women I endeavoured to remain faithful to the dialogical approach to this inquiry. Moreover I have brought the voices of the women to the foreground, peeling away the rhizomatic interconnections in and between understandings. What this has meant in terms of the thesis is that the work has become artificially distanced for the purposes of academic requirements. Nevertheless it speaks to the understandings the participants have of their relationships; of the various locations of the visible and invisible voices; of the many landscapes and images, genealogies, subjectivities and multiple selves that inform the selves with(in) others and being-in-relation. Throughout the journey meanings are revealed, revisited and reconstructed. Many nuances comprise the subtexts illuminating the depths of various moral locations underpinning the ways these women engage with one another in practice. The process of the research weaves through multiple positions, conveying the centrality of shared goals, multiple identities, resistances and differences which contribute to a holding environment, a location in which women value one another in their being-in-relation and in which they stand separately yet together.

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This dissertation deals with the failure to end the central arms race and provides some alternative proposals. Chapters 1 and 2 look at the failure of governmental disarmament negotiations and the ineffectiveness of the non-governmental peace movement. Chapter 3 outlines the author's recommended comprehensive strategy for ending the arms race? both the need for the US to make a dramatic unilateral initiative to break the deadlock (Super GRIT) and a detailed disarmament treaty. The main problem, as argued by the author, is more one of political will and so it is necessary to find a way of creating the political will to stimulate the US to make that dramatic unilateral initiative. He calls for the creation of a Peace-Industrial Complex. The intellectual arguments for the potential basis of such a complex are to be found in the research done by the United Nations; this is examined throughout Part II (Chapters 4-7). Unfortunately very little attention has been paid by governments to this work. Part III (Chapters 8 and 9) deals in more detail with the recommended Peace-Industrial Complex. Chapter 8 looks at its possible creation and method of work. Chapter 9 suggests that the proposed complex creates a transcending vision: from ‘uclear winter’to ‘nuclear spring’.

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Evidence exists to suggest that in Australia many environmental issues remain unresolved even though the community has apparently become more environmentally aware. Although universities have undertaken responsibility to educate future environmental professionals to address this concern, there are numerous tensions underpinning professional environmental education. This folio explores my perceptions of these tensions and their effect on my professional practice as an academic. I refer to this as the relationships among theories and practices experienced in my work. Four perspectives are taken in this research as I appraise professional environmental education. This Dissertation (Vol. 1) focuses on views informing my professional environmental education, inclusive of my own reflexivity. From interviews with students, academics, professionals and environmentalists, and other sources of information, I consider various tensions arising from what I regard as dehumanising social and political forces. The conventional elite and authoritative roles for universities and professionals dominate most participants' understanding of professional activities. Professional practices often endorse these conventions. Juxtaposed to this authoritative view of professional education, and prescribing a different interpretation for professional practice, is my theoretical position informed by criticality and a need to challenge the status quo. I suggest that Leopold's The Land Ethic is an exemplar of criticality and a suitable basis for examining professional environmental education. The Land Ethic is used as a foundation to my thesis because it encapsulates suitable arguments to examine ideologies supportive of my understanding of professional environmental education. My thesis investigates the nature of participants' (including my own) understanding of their land ethic or land ethics suggesting that interpretations of 'place' provide an emotional and ethical appreciation of the land. I suggest that 'place', as a culturally derived construct, is central to the concept of a land ethic or land ethics, and a characteristic of an environmental ethic or ethics. To incorporate these different perspectives into professional environmental education perhaps land could be viewed, not just as a 'client' as in Schön's (1983) reflective contract, but expanded so that professionals form ethical partnerships with the land, which implies a greater equity between roles and responsibilities. This perspective challenges elite interpretations of the roles for environmental professionals by asking them to be advocates for their land, and to work with the land. Searching for my own land ethic or land ethics has promoted a discourse that encompasses a language of possibility and opportunity. This language of possibility and opportunity stands in contrast to the constraining language of reproduction that has promoted stasis. My reflexivity, a holistic and ecological view that in this thesis is an expression of my searching for a land ethic or land ethics, has encouraged me to develop critical and ethical questions to challenge my professional environmental education practice. As such the process of theorising about my theory and practice has been personally transformative as it encourages my development as a 'critical person'. Elective 1 (Vol. 2 ) reviews public information promoting a selected range of Australian environmental courses. Analysis demonstrates environmental courses are mainly technocratic, promoting technical-scientific and vocational perspectives. This orientation, I consider, is aligned to an emerging corporate agenda as universities attempt to be more accountable to the government within a competitive market dominated by economic interests. Elective 2 (Vol. 2 ) considers the providers of professional environmental education where I explore a diversity of tensions undermining current academic life found in many Australian universities. I suggest that corporatisation and vocationalisation dominate university culture to such an extent that any examination of professional environmental education is prejudiced. Professional environmental education appears to be biased toward maintaining the status quo. My conclusion is that professional environmental education does not promote graduates as 'critical persons' (Barnett 1997), and this may affect graduates' understandings of the purpose and aspirations of environmental professionalism. I suggest that elite and technical understandings of professionalism may affect the professionals' ability to implement environmental policy. Australia has an admirable record of developing environmental policy. However, public concern about a lack of resolution for many environmental issues suggests that professionals may be struggling to successfully implement policy in any meaningful way. Such challenges for environmental professionals may be a result of a professional environmental education that does not engage graduates within ideas that professional practice may require community participation and collaboration as key themes. Elective 3 (Vol. 2) is a case study investigating the development of conservation policies by the Ballarat community. The case demonstrates how the dominant social paradigm informs community views about environmental issues emphasising a technical emphasis and hierarchical arrangements of power and authority between local government and the community. The community view appears to be that environmental action should be mainly individualistic and behaviourist, which I suggest may have resulted from a technical framework for environmental knowledge. The community view of environmental issues resonates with the dominant view promoted by professional environmental education in most universities. In conclusion, my thesis is a representation of my challenges to critically engage in possible relationships among theories, practices and circumstances in my workplace, with a view to addressing what I perceive as a 'gap' between my own theory and practice. The motivation for this critical examination is to question the purpose of my professional environmental education practice in relation to the challenges of my emergent environmental ideology. The difficulty of promoting my critical theorising in a traditional small science faculty, within a corporate university, with my scientific background, is acknowledged. Nevertheless, based on my own experiences, I recommend that academics involved in professional environmental education should be encouraged to explore relationships between their own theories and practices in their own professional settings. I suggest that the search for a land ethic or land ethics, and one's 'place' in the 'land', can be an effective platform for this process.

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The article demonstrates the similarity in the ways poets Lesbia Harford and Lorine Niedecker explored radical modernism. It notes the formal and thematic resemblances between the poets' writing and careers. It cites their uncanniness of poetics as an indicator of the effective global dissemination and specific political and aesthetic applications of Marxist ideologies in the early 20th century. The poets' attention to and resistance to the limitations of a gendered agency are also discussed.

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To say that the level of fatalities resulting from an earthquake is inversely related to a country's per capita level of income is hardly novel. What makes our approach novel is that we relate fatalities to both per capita income and the level of inequality that exists within a country through their joint impact on the likelihood of collective action being taken to mitigate the destructive potential of quakes. We first develop a theoretical model which offers an explanation as to why, in some environments, different segments of society prove incapable of arriving at what all parties perceive to be an agreeable distribution of the burden of the necessary collective action, causing the relatively wealthy simply to self-insure against the disaster while leaving the relatively poor to its mercy. Following this, we test our theoretical model by evaluating 269 large earthquakes occurring worldwide, between 1960 and 2002, taking into account other factors that influence a quake's destructiveness such as its magnitude, depth and proximity to population centers. Using a Negative Binomial estimation strategy with both random and fixed estimators, we find strong evidence of the theoretical model's predictions. That is, while earthquakes themselves are natural phenomena beyond the reach of humankind, our collective inaction with respect to items like the creation and enforcement of building codes, failure to retrofit structures and to enact quake-sensitive zoning clearly plays a part in determining the actual toll that a given quake takes. And, it is through these and other examples of collective inaction that limited per capita income and inequality couple together with a given quake's natural destructive power in determining the actual fatalities resulting from a quake.

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Despite Žižek's polemical attacks on Hannah Arendt, their writings on totalitarianism share significant similarities. Žižek's Lacanian analysis of the distortion of the elementary symbolic coordinates of human sociability in Stalinism refines Arendt's controversial account of the role of ideologies in totalitarian regimes; it brings to the political field an account of subjectivity and its relation to language derived from (Lacanian) psychoanalysis. Reading Žižek's analyses of Stalinist and fascist ideologies preserves – by psychoanalytically reframing – the radical philosophical register of Arendt's understanding of twentieth-century totalitarian regimes as attempting the systematic destruction of ‘world’ – the in-between public space of shared political human experience and action. Žižek's psychoanalytic framework allows us to address the tendency in Arendt's Origins of Totalitarianism to conflate fascism and Stalinism and also to question the motives for these regimes’ political and ontological violences.

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Despite formally acknowledging that political persecution exists in West Papua by granting 43 West Papuans TPVs on the grounds that if they were forcibly returned they would face a well founded fear of persecution, the Australian Government treats the symptoms of the problem - deterring further boat people by making it more difficult for them to assert their asylum claims - than its cause - Indonesia's persecution of independence activists in the province

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This paper investigates the experiences of Filipino women who have migrated from the Philippines to Tasmania, Australia. Commonly referred to as 'mail-order brides,' the women have migrated to Tasmania for the purpose of marriage, usually after a long process of letter writing and friendship. This paper argues that Filipino women in Tasmania do not always regard themselves as 'victims' as suggested in many scholarly and media representations of 'mail-order brides.' Instead, based on their accounts, this paper provides insights into the phenomenon of Filipino migration for marriage, questioning and challenging the many assumptions that are made about their migration and settlement.

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The thesis examines the life and times of former union organiser and Tasmanian ALP Premier, Eric Reece. It analyses the historical and biographical forces shaping state Labor politics in twentieth century Australia and investigates the ideologies of development, progress and environmentalism in Tasmania.

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The thesis comprises the comic novel "Babylonia", set in the Northern Territory, the Middle East and the United States in August 1990 after the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait, and the accompanying exegesis that links "Babylonia" to selected Australian fiction and to political and cultural concerns of the current era.

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This study of Thomas Hobbes's political thought maintains that, in Hobbes's abstract and historically presented view, short-sighted and self-absorbed people engaged in war to their ultimate harm. In Hobbes's societal remedy, citizens submissively obeyed centralised rule. Their compliance, and detachment from the political process, satisfied their wish for peace.

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This thesis uses political theory to analyse and compare the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission and the Federation of Ethnic Communities' Councils of Australia. It argues that 'self-determination' and 'multiculturalism' in practice hide the power of the Anglo-Australian dominant culture and stifle the possibilities of more viable intercultural political innovation.