140 resultados para Culture (language and religion)


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If ontology concerns theories of being, and epistemology theories of knowing, how might we bring the two together to account for movements between being and knowing that constitute cultural production? something occurs or lies behind language and meaning that must be acknowledged if we are to arrive at an explanation. In this essay, I examine some key ideas that emerge from the work of Julia Kristeva, as well as those of Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari on sensation and affect, to demonstrate how ontology and epistemology are inextricably entwined in knowledge production.1 Kristeva’s perspective of creative practice not only aligns with the new materialist acknowledgement of the agency of matter, but, in contrast to Deleuze and Guattari, it also affirms the dimension of human or subjective agency that is implicated in cultural production.

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Clinical handover is a key communication event in patient care and a major contributing factor in adverse events in hospitals. Current research on handover emphasizes communication skills training. We investigate the intergroup context and systemic factors of the hospital environment that also affect handover. We explore the responses of 707 health professionals about handover practice. We invoke Coupland and colleagues’ integrative model of “miscommunication” to interpret these. Results support the model. Responses reflect a lack of communication competency, intergroup group relations, and the hidden ideology of the health care system. Health professionals in hospitals are often unaware of the socio-structural element in health care and so cannot bring about cultural change. We suggest that clinicians work with communication and interdisciplinary scholars to bring about system improvement.

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This study was performed to allow an understanding of some of the elements of trust that are apparent to encourage the Mäori Internet shopper to feel comfortable to shop online. Mäori arrived in New Zealand from the Pacific over 1,000 years ago. Since then, New Zealand was colonised by Europeans in the 19th century. As a result, the Mäori have become a minority (Belich, 1996). That is, their culture, language and values have become secondary to those of the dominant European culture (Liu, Wilson, McClure & Higgins, 1999). Mäori have been defined as including “all those who identify themselves as belonging to the New Zealand Mäori ethnic group, either alone or in combination with any other ethnic group” (Statistics New Zealand, 1998, p. 94).

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This chapter provides an overview of the impact language and culture background can have on individuals' experience of illness and conceptualization of health. it also discusses cultural competency for health care personnel in the onctext of increasing diverse communities with specific reference to Australia and New Zealand.

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Gender features prominently in debates about the clash between human rights and culture, where ‘culture’ is often portrayed as a supreme obstacle to the realisation of women’s rights. Sometimes framed as an ethical conundrum between universalism and cultural relativism, the clash between culture and rights recites one as always and inevitably undercutting the other — culture undermines rights, and the imposition of human rights damages culture. An innovative attempt at recasting this clash has been a focus less on abstract philosophical debates and more on the cultural politics of rights — in particular, how they are made relevant to everyday life. Anthropologists Merry (2006; 2008a) and Levitt and Merry (2009; 2011) propose the analytical and ethnographic study of vernacularisation by demonstrating how, in local contexts, women’s human rights are remade in the vernacular. This approach has yielded rich knowledge about the myriad ways in which expectations of female inferiority and masculine entitlement to violence are contested — not through the import of Western ideas of human rights, but through the local idiom. This article considers the productive contribution of vernacularisation to this contested terrain, while also pointing to the limits that issue from its dependence on distinguishing the global from the local. Today, these two spaces are not so clearly discerned — particularly in multicultural settings where the local and the global are fused, and where human rights are translated into a vernacular of current political anxieties to do with racial and cultural difference. This is a vernacular that disguises or disavows racism through the language of human rights. These themes are illustrated and explored through the case study of a small community event in an outer suburb of Melbourne, where gender, culture and religion play out through both local and international rights vernacular.

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Every discipline which deals with the land question in Canaan-Palestine- Israel is afflicted by the problem of specialisation. The political scientist and historian usually discuss the issue of land in Israel purely in terms of interethnic and international relations, biblical scholars concentrate on the historical and archaeological question with virtually no reference to ethics, and scholars of human rights usually evade the question of God. What follows is an attempt, through theology and political history, to understand the history of the Israel-Palestine land question in a way which respects the complexity of the question. From a scrutiny of the language used in the Bible to the development of political Zionism from the late 19th century it is possible to see the way in which a secular movement mobilised the figurative language of religion into a literal 'title deed' to the land of Palestine signed by God.

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This paper argues that the nature of IS research that deals with indigenous culture must be informed as much by context as it is by culture models, which has been the focus of such research in the past. This is considered important because it better reflects the meaning of the data collected for the researcher. To appreciate the importance of context this papers also argues that research subjects from designated individualist societies will inform the researcher in different ways from those subjects located in collectivist societies. To illustrate the practical implications of this argument the paper reports three separate case studies in IS research where the researchers reflect on the impact that a collectivist view has had on the research findings. The paper suggests that (1) similar ethnicity and appearance are significant in gaining the trust of subjects in a collectivist society; that is the researcher is part of the in-group as they belong to the same culture or ethnic group; that (2) who introduced the researcher to the subject is significant in that trust is best reflected when a member of the group/collective plays an important role in the research process itself; and that (3) an ability to (a) communicate in the natural language and (b) understand the implicit body language and (c) cultural codes is important in gaining significant and more meaningful research outcomes. This is enabled via the implicit meanings embedded in members of the collectivist society.

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Globalization and language reform is often presented as a set of practices and relationships to which educators must adapt in order to 'compete‘ or maintain 'relevance‘ in contemporary society. Presented in such a way neo-liberal versions of globalization and educational reform situate localized culture often as a kind of impediment, something we must overcome or ameliorate in order for progress to be sustained and maintained. In Malaysia, these kinds of discourses inform public policy debates. From debates over university competitiveness through to arguments over language and literacy in a global world, the pressures on Malaysian educators to change their practices and reform are often presented with an implicit assumption that local culture is somehow in deficit.

The argument of this paper challenges this framing and representation of globalization. I present an alternative theoretical framework through which educators can judge their practices within the discourse of globalization. I will demonstrate how respecting difference and culture is framing globalization as mutual respect and recognition rather than imposed change is critical to addressing the language and culture of globalization and education. In this sense, debates about language (understood here in the broadest sense as how we communicate and in what power discourse we communicate within) and culture are ultimately arguments about recognition and respect. Neo liberal politics as an expression of an increasingly authoritarian discourse of globalization needs to be challenged by a politics and practice of cultural recognition and respect.

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This thesis explores the movement of the author's intent in the process of translating expressions (originally oral) deemed to be culture-reflecting. The author's intent can be freed from the bondage thrust upon a text through particularities of culture, linguistics and genre in the process of translation. These elements constitute the toolkit used by the author to deliver his/her intent. A translation owes it's existance to the original text with it's intent and this element should be preserved through the translator's assumption of authorial powers.

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This paper examines how culture and identity can be relatively defined through hybrid perspectives in relation to migration experiences. Addressing and portraying definitions of culture and identity is crucial in understanding how notions of such issues connect and initiate the migrant subject through new experiences, perspectives and ways of being. In enunciating the transitions from home to a new place, and elaborating on the rupture of an inherited culture and grounded identity, I refer to them through self-reflexive perspectives. The search for meaning through appraisals of cultural lineage and linguistic capital through a Diaspora, a post colonial history and lived life experiences from my home country, pre-empts the ambivalent and hybrid status in defining culture(s) and identit(ies). It is crucial to recognise how challenges for adaptation to new culture, language, societal norms, and differences in class, nationality, race and gender play specific roles in the migrant experience. My current experiences of migration to Australia are narrations of encountered difficulties, fears, inhibitions, new aspirations, perceptions and perspectives, which map an ‘identity crisis.’ From this narrative structure, I investigate through my ongoing PhD study, how my artistic expression and representations progress towards experiences, and themes that metaphorically reflect, inspire and enact the hybrid structures of culture(s) and identit(ies). Explored reflexively my representations suggest how the ‘liminal space’ or the ‘third space,’ (Bhabha, 1990) express transitions about the ‘self’ and my artistic expression, which enable further reflection and positions to emerge and extend to metaphorical expressions.

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In recent years there has been a renaissance of studies into the diverse relationships between National Socialism and esoteric or occult religious trends, which appears to form a remarkable return to the work of George L Mosse. Yet within these debates there has been surprisingly little space devoted to the question of what specifically ‘counted’ as religion in the early Nazi milieu. This article seeks to address this problem through a detailed study of the views on religion in one of the major antisemitic groups in the 1920s, the German Socialist Party, which had a number of significant connections to the NSDAP. The German Socialist debates on religion have remained largely unexamined, and this article analyses the group’s response to the Nazis’ 25 Point Programme, the German Socialists’ own debates about religion, and their views on the most important völkisch authors who were seeking a ‘religious revival’. It demonstrates that views on religion in the early Nazi milieu were extremely diverse, but commonly adhered to notions of race and a racial spirituality that amounted to a kind of ‘ethnotheism’. It argues that concepts of religion in völkisch groups at the time, including the NSDAP, have to be principally understood as part of a particular and extreme ‘racist culture’.

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Like their counterparts elsewhere, Australian children favour humorous novels; comedic writers consistently dominate the preteen and early teen fiction market in Australia. Regardless of its popularity, however, in comparison to more serious writing, humorous literature has received little critical attention. Of the studies aimed at this area, most have tended to concentrate on the various stages of development in childrens preferences for humor, its strategies, forms and appeal, with very few examining the ideological assumptions informing particular texts. Yet, this article argues, humorous books are no less concerned with culture, value and meaning than any other kind of fiction for children. As Morris Gleitzmans texts illustrate, by highlighting the cultural processes involved in the construction of language and meaning, inviting readers to play with ideas about language, social roles and behaviors, and creating characters who act in ways which are oppositional to usual socializing expectations, humorous literature, especially in carnivalized forms, has the potential to problematize unquestioning acceptance of various ideological para-digms, values, social practices and rules.

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The interactions between cage culture and wild fishery activities in three Indonesian reservoirs, Saguling, Cirata and Jatiluhur, of the greater Ciratum watershed, West Java, were evaluated using historical data and interviews with cage culture operators. In all three reservoirs, cage culture of common carp, Cyprinus carpio L., and later of common carp and Nile tilapia, Oreochromis niloticus (L.), were encouraged as an alternative livelihood for persons displaced by the impoundment. Currently, a two-net culture system, locally known as 'lapis dua', in which in the inner cage (7 × 7 × 3 m) is used for common carp culture and the outer cage (7 × 7 × 5/7 m) is stocked with Nile tilapia, is practised. On average each cage is stocked with  approximately 100 kg fingerlings each of common carp and Nile tilapia. The numbers of cages and production of cultured fish has increased in the reservoirs, but total and per cage production began to decline from about 1995 in Saguling from 2200 kg cage−1 in 1989 to <500 kg cage−1 in 2002, and in Cirata from a peak of approximately 2300 kg cage−1 in 1995 to approximately 400 kg cage−1 in 2002. In Jatiluhur, which has a considerably lower cage density, total fish production and production per cage has increased since 2000, and currently is approximately 4000 kg cage−1, close to production in the early years of cage culture activities. The cage culture operations also resulted in substantial nutrient loading, estimated at 3.2, 15.2 and 3.1 t of nitrogen and 134, 636 and 128 kg of phosphorous per year in the maximum years of production for Saguling, Cirata and Jatiluhur reservoirs, respectively. In later years, when cage culture production was high, fish kills occurred in the cages, and in Jatiluhur reservoir coincided with a dramatic decline in wild fishery catches. An attempt is made to determine the maximum number of cages for each of the reservoirs that will bring long-term sustainability of cage culture operations and the wild fisheries in the three reservoirs.