Oil unions and democracy in post-Saddam Iraq

Since the invasion of 2003, a complex array of political, religious and ethno-sectarian factions have formed civil society movements; uncensored news has been consumed across the nation; ordinary citizens have taken to the streets to protest key government decisions; and various local councils have been formed, deliberating on key decisions facing their immediate communities. Given this context, this paper focuses on the specific case of the Iraqi Federation of Oil Unions (IFOU), Iraq’s largest and most powerful independent workers union. The IFOU has repeatedly taken the Iraqi government to task over their poor pay and the dangerous nature of their work, as well as the government’s initial kowtowing to US plans to privatise the entire Iraqi oil sector. To do this, the IFOU have utilised a variety of very democratic mechanisms including peaceful strikes and protests, media campaigns and political lobbying. Such moves have met with mixed results in Baghdad – at times the central government has pandered to the requests of IFOU, but it has also gone as far as issuing arrest warrants for its senior members. The IFOU therefore serve as an interesting example of public power in Iraq and may well pose one of the greatest challenges to rising authoritarianism there.

Liberating Asia : strikes and protest in Sydney and Shanghai, 1920–39

On 30 May 1925 British officers opened fire on Chinese union protesters in Shanghai’s International Settlement, sparking a series of anti-imperialist protests now known as the ‘May 30th Movement’. This article traces the response of the Australian Labor movement to these events. It examines connections between Chinese and Australian unions and shows how Asian anti-colonial nationalism affected Australian perceptions of class-based inequality in the 1920s and 1930s. Orthodox histories of the Australian Labor movement emphasize its inward-looking and xenophobic nature but these national historiographies have been too quick to assume the isolation of Australia from pan-Asian anti-colonialism. Rather than arguing that Australian unionists supported decolonization in the inter-war period this article explores how class relationships mediated Australian encounters with colonized people in Asia. Treating Shanghai and Sydney as entangled outposts of Empire suggests we need to re-evaluate interpretations of Australian class dissent that regard it either as part of a solely European tradition or as a motivated only by local conditions.

'PNG solution' turns to nightmare on Manus Island

 Analysis of the PNG Solution asylum seeker resettlement policy in the wake of protests at the Manus Island detention facility, the violent death of one asylum seeker and the injuring of others. 

The Indian public sphere in social media era

The media in a number of Western countries, including Australia, could be forgiven for envying the growth of the Indian media in recent decades. In contrast to more mature media markets in Australia and elsewhere, the Indian media is surviving the onslaught of new media technologies including social media platforms available to news audiences as an alternative to traditional news media. However, despite the omnipresence and diversity of over 800 television channels, over 94,000 publications and hundreds of radio stations, the ‘commercial’ imperative of Indian news media has raised doubts about their capacity to meet the ‘ideals’ of the public sphere. This paper examines the Indian public sphere in terms of citizens’ increasing use of various social media platforms to express their anger, frustration and protest against the system of governance and corruption. It analyses the use of social media platforms by mainstream media, socio-political organisations and audiences alike during recent events such as the Mumbai terror attack in 2008; the anti-corruption movement in 2011; protests against a lack of safety for women in 2012–13; and the federal elections in 2014; to understand the implications for the public sphere in India. The paper outlines interplay between the mainstream media’s coverage of some of these significant events, and the audience conversations pertaining to these news events on various social media platforms. It explores the increased utilisation of social media platforms by youth and the middle class, who have often remained disengaged with governance in the country, as a sign of deepening democracy and widening public sphere in India, despite the ‘digital divide’ that still exists in the country.

Doing democracy in difficult times: oil unions and the Maliki Government

This chapter focuses on the specific case of the Iraqi Federation of Oil Unions (IFOU), Iraq’s largest and most powerful independent workers’ union. Leaving aside IFOU’s resistance of foreign occupation and its fight against privatisation, this chapter focuses on the tensions between IFOU and the Maliki government and examines the extent to which IFOU has served as a bulwark against the state’s rising authoritarianism. The chapter begins with a brief history of Iraqi trade unions under the Baathist regime and concludes by arguing that examples of civil society movements such as IFOU are perhaps Iraq’sonly real hope for genuine democratisation.

Interview with I. Made Andi Arsana

Dr Made Andi Arsana is an Indonesian, originally from Bali, who studied in Australia at the University of New South Wales in 2004 on an Australian Development Scholarship (ADS). He works as a university lecturer in Yogyakarta. He took part in student protests in the late 1990s and visited North Korea in 1999 after entering a writing competition to travel to Japan. The interview is conducted in English by Dr Jemma Purdey of Deakin University and was recorded on 29 May 2014. This set comprises: an interview recording, a timed summary, and a photograph.

Australia-Malaysia security cooperation as a pivotal component for more stable bilateral relations

In the 1980s and 1990s, Australian-Malaysian relations reached a critical juncture due to a series of crises, such as the 1986 capital punishment of convicted drug smugglers Barlow and Chambers, and the 1993 "recalcitrant" jibe by Australian Prime Minister Paul Keating. Following the election of the Howard government in 1996, relations continued to be on a roller coaster with the Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad leading anti-Australia protests over the "Howard Doctrine," the Australian leadership of the 1999 intervention in East Timor, and the "Deputy Sheriff" controversy. Despite this, defense relations between the two remained strong. The success of this cooperation rests on shared political commitment to the security of the region. This article examines the impact that positive cooperation in "high politics" has had in mitigating the negative aspects of crises in "low politics." It argues that close bilateral defense relations have worked to prevent the emergence of further critical junctures in 2012 following the collapse of the Australian-Malaysian refugee swap deal and statements by Australian politicians about Malaysia's poor treatment of asylum seekers, and in 2013 over the overt support by many Australian politicians of the opposition, especially Anwar Ibrahim, during the Malaysian general elections.

Mixed feelings: Anglo-Indians and the distribution of the sensible in Indian cinema

Hollywood, and various regional cinemas in India typically represent Mixed-Race Anglo-Indians as a degenerate community marked by lax morals, alcoholism, and indolence. These stereotypical tropes typically generate indignant protests from members of this miniscule Indian community, and debates about the representation of Anglo-Indians focus on the injustices propagated by such stereotypes. This paper rethinks Anglo-Indian representation in cinema by drawing on Jacques Rancière’s concept of ‘the distribution of the sensible,’ which provides a cartography for understanding how one’s various identity assignations structure sensory experience. In other words those who are marginalized have ways of seeing and hearing from those occupy normative or dominant subject positions, and these differences are best approached in terms of neo-Kantian aesthetic judgment. It also argues, with Rancière, that ‘inequality’ is built into the distribution of the sensible. Drawing on a number of Indian and Hollywood films — including Aparna Sen’s 36 Chowringhee Lane (1981) Anjan Dutt’s Bada Din (1998) Ismail Merchant’s Cotton Mary (2000), Bow Barracks Forever (2004) and Harry McClure’s Going Away (2013) — the paper contends that Rancière’s ‘distribution of the sensible’ allows us to think through a politics that is connected to ‘aesthetic judgement’ as well as a politics of differentiation that informs our understanding of the function of minoritarian characters in narrative cinema.

On Roland Boer’s Marxism and theology

This piece aims to provide a synoptic introduction to Boer’s claims in the five volumes of Marxism and Theology. Obviously, such an account must miss many important nuances across the host of critical readings Boer assembles, guided by his broadly Jamesonian manner of reading the texts with a view to their biblical and theological claims. Nevertheless, by aiming at a synoptic view of a truly compendious contribution to scholarship, it is hoped that the piece will provide assistance to readers, and encourage them to test their own intuitions and thoughts against the original texts. The final part of the article stands back from this ‘‘standing back’’: and asks questions concerning Boer’s treatments of biblical criticism, with and/or against theology; and concerning the role of what might be called (even despite Boer’s own protests) a kind of ‘‘secularised’’ Calvinism in Boer’s work and its interest in a post-Marxian politics of grace.

A cross-sectional study examining the extent of unwanted sexual attention and unhealthy intimate relationships among female university students

Issue addressed: Unwanted sexual attention and unhealthy intimate relationships have the potential to have serious negative health consequences. To date, there has been scant focus on these issues among university students in Australia. The aim of the current study was to describe the extent of unwanted sexual attention and unhealthy intimate relationships experienced in their lifetime by female university students aged 18–25 years.
Methods: A cross-sectional study was undertaken involving 465 female students aged 18–25 years. Students were recruited through one faculty within a Victorian university and invited to complete an anonymous online questionnaire.
Results: Sixty-seven per cent (n = 312) of female students reported experiencing unwanted sexual attention in their lifetime. The most common form of unwanted sexual attention was kissing or touching over clothes (98%; n = 306). Over 43% (n = 124) of the female students reported that the experience of unwanted sexual experience occurred after their protests were ignored. Thirty per cent (n = 135) of the female students reported experiencing at least one element of an unhealthy intimate relationship.
Conclusions: The high rates of unwanted sexual attention and unhealthy intimate relationships among female university students is of concern given the negative impact such events can have on individual’s physical, emotional and social well being.
So what?: Public health and health promotion action is required to prevent female students from experiencing unwanted sexual attention and unhealthy intimate relationships, and to address the negative health and well being consequences.

Migration and ethno-architecture

Whereas academic studies within the humanities have addressed migration through frameworks of culture, belonging and mobility, in national, political and media discourse, migration is represented as problematic to the nation-state. Increased security of the geopolitical borders and the foreclosure of internal borders preserving the homogeneity of dominant cultures reinforce popular terms, such as 'alien' and 'foreigner', conveying the sense that migration is temporary and entails an invasion. Experts in migration studies note a discursive and theoretical gap between the developments in cultural studies and the blatant protests related to territory and rights in political discourse (Castles and Miller 2009). But neither focuses on the role of the architecture. The enduring and physical nature of architecture and building that has evolved from migrant individuals and communities, however, provides compelling evidence that these structures are neither temporary nor transient, nor that their migrant inhabitants, adaptors and makers lack belonging. The ethnoarchitecture of migrants defines and articulates a history of agency, making and expression that reframe the question of the politics of migration.

From the inside to the outside. Architecture Venice Biennales 2014 and 2016

The comparison between the Position Statements of the latest two Venice Biennale of Architecture, Fundamentals, directed by Rem Koolhaas in 2014 and Reporting from the front that Alejandro Aravena prepares for 2016, is an evident sign of the internal stress that architectural practice has been suffering during the last decade. Koolhaas intensively focused on the immediate past whilst Aravena presents a Biennalle strongly decided to explore possible alternatives for the future of Architecture. The first one tried to define the core, theessence, the most elemental particles that utterly compose Architecture. The second looks at the boundaries, the periphery, the outskirts, the limits of the discipline. Fundamentals was theoretical, personal, abstract, compact and aesthetic. Reporting from the front will be practical, collective, concrete, permeable and ethical. This fertile antagonism or counterpoint between both approaches is too frequently understood as incompatible. However, as a matter of fact the coexistence of these two different perspectives within architectural practice is the mostdistinctive feature of the complex contemporary architectural landscape. The insertion of the analysis of both position statements within the historical evolution of the Venice Bienale since 1980, allows a reinterpretation of the antagonism between the two exhibitions and evidences some lines of thought and action in the architectural world. Following the war industry terminology that Report from the front has chosen, Aravena identifies with precision the theatre of operations; the space and time that is requesting an urgent response from architecture.Previously Koolhaas had defined the armament that Architecture has available to undertake this crucial mission: to define the role and relevance of Architecture in the immediate future. Until now, battles in the front have been a guerrilla warfare. More reactive than proactive. Battles for survival more than for experience. Necessary but, at the same time, insufficient. Valuable actions in radical contexts; heroic acts in extreme situations; occasional infiltrations that find their final reason for being in their own audacity. Time has come for these counterattackarchitectures to evolve from protests to proposals.

The patterns of Syrian uprising: Comparing Hama in 1980–1982 and Homs in 2011

Economic grievances that marginalized rural citizens and eroded the Syrian government’s political base are widely considered to have sparked the 2011 uprising. Although the country’s 1980–1982 protests were also blamed on economic factors, commentators to date have largely resisted comparing the events. This article draws parallels between Hama in the lead-up to 1980–1982 and Homs pre-2011, arguing that while there are differences between the uprisings—including the socioeconomic group involved—the root causes of grievance were remarkably similar. Both uprisings followed a redrawing of Syria’s social contract that marginalized a group that had previously had a stake in the Syrian state. In both cases, a new underclass was formed that became the backbone of the political unrest. Although economic factors cannot explain the 2011 uprising in its entirety, this article argues that some of the seed dynamics in 2011 were remarkably similar to 1980–1982.

Democracy and its aspiration in Hong Kong

This chapter addresses aspirations for more direct, representative democratic process in Hong, manifested in the street protests and occupations of 2014.

Being well : educated

Our remit for producing this chapter suggested a confluence between critical education theory and social constructionist approaches. Quite an invitation given the prospective trajectories involved! As both of us share backgrounds as practitioners (educational/school psychologists), we decided to draw the parameter for discussion around an aspect of education surprisingly seen in some circles as contentious or controversial in present day practice: the idea of being well in education. International education policy and practice is replete with political and community action geared to the promotion of wellbeing (in the UK e.g., Every Child Matters [DES, 2004]). This circumstance is not peculiar to the sociopolitical arena of education as the notion of supporting and maintaining a healthy and productive populace is today central to activities taking place across government sectors (e.g. social/community services, employment, housing, sport and recreation, etc.; Wellbeing in Four Policy Areas [New Economics Foundation, 2014]). And yet, concerns over the ways in which such activity have been delivered are mounting. Common amongst these protests are collective apprehensions around potential deleterious effects of one-size-fits-all methodologies and clinical models of personhood.