28 resultados para privatisation


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Health care reform has been described as a global epidemic. This thesis deals with nature and experience of health care reform in developing countries. Increasing privatisation, economic transition, and structural adjustment have provided the context for health system changes. Different approaches to reform have been developed by international organisations such as the World Bank, WHO and UNICEF. What has driven national health care reforms? Are such policies really appropriate to developing countries? Has a consensus now emerged in relation to international health policy? Has a new health care ‘model’ appeared? The study of health care reform in Cambodia is a timely opportunity to investigate the implementation of health care reform under extreme conditions. These conditions include a legacy of genocide, long-term conflict, political isolation, and economic transition. This case study uses both qualitative and quantitative methods and multiple sources of data to analyse the reform program. The study reinforces the conclusion that, under conditions of extreme poverty, market based reforms are likely to have limited positive impact. Rather, understanding the cultural conditions that determine demand, delivering health care of a satisfactory quality, providing appropriate incentives for health practitioners, and supporting services with adequate public funding are the prerequisites for improved service delivery and utilisation. Cambodia's strategy of integrated district health service development and universal population coverage may provide an instructive example of reform. Emerging policy issues identified by this case study include the fundamental role of equity in service provision, the influence of the social determinants of health and illness and interest in the appropriate use of evidence in international health policy-making.

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The thesis explored New Public Management (NPM) reforms of three Malaysian public enterprises. The finding indicated they differed - privatisation influenced by cronysim; 'quality projects' partially implemented; workforce unchanged. Instead efficiency improvements found were not attributed to NPS. This evidence questions the employability of NPM in a developing economy.

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Master planned estates in Australia emerge from two major directions: one aims to address the inadequacies of 1970s suburbanisation and the other comes from governments and developers seeking to realise alternatives. The very idea of master planning has a longer history, one that arguably dates back to 19th-century Utopian Socialism and Baron Haussmann's redesign of Paris, which involved a large-scale, comprehensive alternative vision realised by a sanctioned authority. Master planning thereby partakes of both utopianism and authoritarianism. These associations have infused the discussion and construction of Australian master planned estates rendering them both pariah and panacea. But research and my own experience suggests that they are far more panaceas than pariahs.

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This paper provides an account of access and equity in Australian higher education across the period of recent Federal Labor governments and specifically of the discourses and practices surrounding A Fair Chance For All: Higher Education That's Within Everyone's Reach, Labor's latest policy on equal access to Australian higher education. The paper positions such an account within Australia's changing national and global economic condition, and the influence of New Right ideologies that proffer efficient and effective public sector management practices and market freedoms that have witnessed a privatisation and peeling back of the welfare state. The paper argues that while Federal Labor has clearly established social justice on the agenda of Australian higher education, it is a justice mediated by particular economic and managerial practices which tend to limit equity to issues of access and place broader equity concerns for higher education just out of reach.

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In the UK, the Conservative Party has been drafting a proposal to withhold part of the consumers' broadcasting licence fee from the BBC and place it in a contestable fund for public-service programming. In Australia, the ABC continues to struggle to meet its funding requirements just when the Federal conservative coalition government is considering a bid to use public funding to engage a commercial consortium to run the country's Asia-Pacific television channel and so take it away from the ABC. These struggles for independence and for an appropriate level of funding are part of the landscape of public-service broadcasting in many developed countries. Those who believe in the public-service ethos are concerned about the potential diminishing value of these great broadcasting assets because of the privatisation and commercialisation. However, this is the story of another public-service broadcaster - Doordarshan in India - which has had to live with severe competition from the skies since 1991. As the former dominant broadcaster in the largest democracy in the world, Doordarshan has survived and revived itself many times in the past four and a half decades. However, it continues to struggle to fulfil its role as a mass medium for education and entertainment. This paper explores the role of public-service broadcasting using Doordarshan as a case study. It asks: Does commercialisation of this public broadcaster mean privatisation by stealth or does it provide healthy distance between the broadcaster and the government of the day?

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The capital market is visualised as a tool for economic development through mobilisation of scattered resources and their allocation to appropriate areas. The liquidity, solvency and efficiency of the economic system of a country can be better accomplished by capital market, when the banks and financial institutions of the country are reluctant to provide long-term and medium term resources for industrialisation and privatisation.

Banks have been traditionally major sources of all types of credits particularly industrial credits. Not only the banks these days are restricted to finance long-term credits due to short-term nature of the deposit- base of these banks, but also are struggling to overcome their liquidity problems. On the other hand, the development of financial institutions, the traditional suppliers of the long-term funds for private industry, is lying dormant due to the problems of profitability, liquidity and solvency of these institutions. Under this circumstances, the capital market beckons as the only major source of finance for industrialisation and privatisation. But the existing state of the capital market is hardly in a position to play as the mobiliser of resources for economic development.

Therefore, the country`s capital market needs structural change as well as proper regulation which are likely to improve the confidence of investors-both local and foreign and to boost the functions of capital market as well. The major regulators in Bangladesh capital market are Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), Stock Exchanges, Registrar of Joint Stock Companies (RJSC) and ICB. In addition, the government has recently given permission to set up merchant banks to provide their support towards the growth, development and consolidation of capital market.

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Confronted with the processes of massification, commercialisation, internationalisation and reduced funding, universities also face an ageing academic workforce, with implications of a shrinking pool from which to recruit managerial and research leaders. A feminist analysis suggests that the policy problematic has been wrongly conceptualised as disengagement with leadership due to the characteristics of the academic workforce. Instead, it is argued that the corporatisation of the academy has produced academic disenchantment due to managerial dominance, commercialisation and privatisation and disengagement with the dominant values, practices and images of university leadership. Furthermore, the intensification of academic labour and the lack of diversity in leadership discourage many women from aspiring to or achieving leadership.

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This book makes a new and significant argument that Indian news media is no longer just an observer but an active participant in the events that direct the nation. It explores the changing role of Indian news media and their performance in the past 25 years by closely examining media coverage of some landmark events within the context of India’s globalising polity, which has led to privatisation, widespread engagement with new communication technologies, and the rise of individualism. The challenges of globalisation have caused significant changes in news processes and procedures, which this volume details by examining media’s coverage of events and issues such as paid news, anti-graft movement, sting journalism, Delhi gang-rape protest, politics-media nexus and neo-liberalism’s impact on the industry’s performance.
The book places Indian media’s evolution in the context of economic, political and sociological developments in the country. It takes a multi-disciplinary approach to evaluate reportage in a multitude of media platforms. The theoretical exploration of the changes in the Indian media landscape draws from academic disciplines of ‘media studies’, ‘journalism,’ ‘cultural studies’ and ‘sociology’. This book follows the authors’ earlier work, titled Indian Media in a Globalised World (SAGE/2010).

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This chapter focuses on the specific case of the Iraqi Federation of Oil Unions (IFOU), Iraq’s largest and most powerful independent workers’ union. Leaving aside IFOU’s resistance of foreign occupation and its fight against privatisation, this chapter focuses on the tensions between IFOU and the Maliki government and examines the extent to which IFOU has served as a bulwark against the state’s rising authoritarianism. The chapter begins with a brief history of Iraqi trade unions under the Baathist regime and concludes by arguing that examples of civil society movements such as IFOU are perhaps Iraq’sonly real hope for genuine democratisation.

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Educational campaigning has received little attention in the literature. This study investigates long-term and organised urban campaigns that are collectively lobbying the Victorian State Government in Australia, for a new public high school to be constructed in their suburb. A public high school is also known as a state school, government school, or an ordinary comprehensive school. It receives the majority of its funding from the State and Federal Australian Government, and is generally regarded as ‘free’ education, in comparison to a private school. Whilst the campaigners frame their requests as for a ‘public school’, their primary appeal is for a local school in their community. This study questions how collective campaigning for a locale-specific public school is influenced by geography, class and identity. In order to explore these campaigns, I draw on formative studies of middle-class school choice from an Australian and United Kingdom perspective (Campbell, Proctor, & Sherington, 2009; Reay, Crozier, & James, 2011). To think about the role of geography and space in these processes of choice, I look to apply Harvey’s (1973) theory of absolute, relational and relative space. I use Bourdieu (1999b) as a sociological lens that is attentive to “site effects” and it is through this lens that I think about class as a “collection of properties” (Bourdieu, 1984, p. 106), actualised via mechanisms of identity and representation (Hall, 1996; Rose, 1996a, 1996b). This study redresses three distinct gaps in the literature: first, I focus attention on a contemporary middle-class choice strategy—that is, collective campaigning for a public school. Research within this field is significantly under-developed, despite this choice strategy being on the rise. Second, previous research argues that certain middle-class choosers regard the local public school as “inferior” in some way (Reay, et al., 2011, p. 111), merely acting as a “safety net” (Campbell, et al., 2009, p. 5) and connected to the working-class chooser (Reay & Ball, 1997). The campaigners are characteristic of the middle-class school chooser, but they are purposefully and strategically seeking out the local public school. Therefore, this study looks to build on work by Reay, et al. (2011) in thinking about “against-the-grain school choice”, specifically within the Australian context. Third, this study uses visual and graphic methods in order to examine the influence of geography in the education market (Taylor, 2001). I see the visualisation of space and schooling that I offer in this dissertation as a key theoretical contribution of this study. I draw on a number of data sets, both qualitative and quantitative, to explore the research questions. I interviewed campaigners and attended campaign meetings as participant observer; I collected statistical data from fifteen different suburbs and schools, and conducted comparative analyses of each. These analyses are displayed by using visual graphs. This study uses maps created by a professional graphic designer and photographs by a professional photographer; I draw on publications by the campaigners themselves, such as surveys, reports and social media; but also, interviews with campaigners that are published in local or state newspapers. The multiple data sets enable an immersive and rich graphic ethnography. This study contributes by building on understandings of how particular sociological cohorts of choosers are engaging with, and choosing, the urban public school in Australia. It is relevant for policy making, in that it comes at a time of increasing privatisation and a move toward independent public schools. This study identifies cohorts of choosers that are employing individual and collective political strategies to obtain a specific school, and it identifies this cohort via explicit class-based characteristics and their school choice behaviours. I look to use fresh theoretical and methodological approaches that emphasise space and geography, theorising geo-identity and the pseudo-private school

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The divide between the public realm and the private realm is a both a moveable and permeable boundary. One of the reasons for this fluidity as to what constitutes these two realms is driven by different political postures. From a neoliberal position, the private—be that private industry, the individual self, the engines of the economy—is better able to produce the Benthamite characterisation of happiness for the greatest number. In contrast, from a socialist to social democratic position, an expanded public disbursement of commonwealth is seen to produce a more equitable, just, and ultimately happy society. Somewhere between these two extremes is a regulated marketplace which more or less describes the organisation of most Western polities.This paper investigates a relatively new form of public activism that, in a sense, emerges from a cultural condition of the ascendancy of the privatisation of politics and culture. Commodity activism, as it is now called by researchers, begins with a politics of the marketplace and turns it into a normative position or posture related to the public sphere. This kind of politics has emerged from consumer movements that have a long history of turning the private into the domain of the public through boycotts, forms of usually negative publicity, and an active engagement of appropriating the key identity of “privatisation,” which is that of the consumer, and re-politicising it into something akin to a form of active citizen. The paper is a study of this changing of the private into the public and how this process relies on the concept of endorsement—particularly high-profile celebrity figures who have gained their power as individuals in this privatised space and now use that form of power for other purposes—in order to gain attention and circulation in this now privatised public sphere.

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Following their political and economic independence in 1989, a group of ten Central and Eastern European countries (CEEs) embarked on major institutional reforms to modernise their economies in order to become an integral part of the global economy. This chapter provides an overview of the main institutional reforms undertaken in the CEEs and their effects on export competitiveness. The chapter focuses on selected meso and macro institutional reforms, namely price liberalisation, competition policy, trade and foreign exchange, privatisation, and corporate governance. The results show that institutional reforms in the CEEs were rapid and generally successful. All CEEs became members of the European Union (EU) and the World Trade Organization (WTO). Institutional reforms contributed significantly to improved efficiency and growth in the export sector. The results also suggest that further reforms are needed to improve competition policy and corporate governance, both of which are still below the standards found in Western industrialised countries.

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'Space is fundamental in any form of commnunal Life; space is fundamental in any exercise of power' (Foucault & Rabinow, 1984: 252). Public green space has the potential to provide one our last remaining free sources of access to open land, clean air, vegetation, water and soil within the urban realm. In most developed countries, this space - due to complex, interconnected legacies of enclosure, privatisation, population growth, urbanisation and 'modernisation' - typically exists as controlled, contrived, scenic picturesque landscapes, unavailable for forms ofcivic, productive and generative activities at scale, such as public urban agriculture. Narrow assessment of green space's on-going financial and maintenance costs fail to recognise wider gains (such as physical and psychological wellness, increased property value , decreased crime rates) (Maller, 2002· Woolley, 2004; Sherer, 2006) and despite attempts, studies that present financial benefits of green spaces have not yet managed to stem the tide of budget cut and reduced spending. Perhaps more importantly, income-generating strategies within public green spaces have not been sufficiently explored. Such approaches could help to develop more convincing arguments analogous with the measurement metrics and quantitative language threatening green space's optimisation and survival. By 'up-scaling' public green space's productive capacity within an ethical framework, we have the potential to greatly enhance social and environmental performance - shifting the existing paradigm from passive to active, consumptive to generative and centralised to collective.