Harm reduction as anarchist practice : a user’s guide to capitalism and addiction in North America

In spite of its origins as an illegal, clandestine, grassroots activity that took place either outside or in defiant opposition to state and legal authority, there is growing evidence to suggest that harm reduction in North America has become sanitized and depoliticized in its institutionalization as public health policy. Harm reduction remains the most contested and controversial aspect of drug policy on both sides of the Canada–US border, yet the institutionalization of harm reduction in each national context demonstrates a series of stark contrasts. Drawing from regional case study examples in Canada and the US, this article historically traces and politically re-maps the uneasy relationship between the autonomous political origins of harm reduction, contemporary public health policy, and the adoption of the biomedical model for addiction research and treatment in North America. Situated within a broader theoretical interrogation of the etiology of addiction, this study culminates in a politically engaged critique of traditional addiction research and drug/service user autonomy. Arguing that the founding philosophy and spirit of the harm reduction movement represents a fundamentally anarchist-inspired form of practice, this article concludes by considering tactics for reclaiming and re-politicizing the future of harm reduction in North America.

Towards a socioanalysis of money, finance and capitalism : beneath the surface of the finance industry

Book launch speech 28 March 2012, Melbourne

Construction and regulation of “dangerous consumptions” : re-regulating state casino capitalism - an Australian regulatory case study

This paper explores insights into the regulatory state and state capitalism through the lens of how states construct and regulate markets in the area of ‘dangerous consumptions’, in particular, land-based casino gambling. It focuses on what is needed for public interest regulation; with a focus on consumer protection and harm prevention. Gambling constitutes a site of explicit state regulation as the state decides and negotiates license-to-operate conditions along with the degree of significance accorded to impact/harm, regulatory monitoring and enforcement, harm prevention and state/operator duty of care...

Student Dis/satisfaction and Academic Dis/enchantment with Edu-capitalism

Over three decades there has been a shift from ideologies of idealism and educationalism towards instrumentalism in higher education due to the global circulation of neoliberal ideologies. Facilitated by digital technologies and encouraged by international ranking systems, there is a paradoxical trend towards homogenisation rather than heterogeneity in terms of what counts as valued knowledge, producing tensions in national policies, institutional responses and academic work in Australia as elsewhere. The paper identifies the implications of trends driving universities towards entrepreneurialism, hyper-instrumentalism, continual rebranding in their search for distinctiveness in global markets, restructuring towards specialisation, focusing on immediate use-value of research, vocationalising teaching, demand driven curriculum that makes students happy, and the disaggregation of curriculum underpinning new multimodal forms of online learning / management technologies.

Transferring 'Yellow River capitalism' to Africa and its implications

This chapter reviews the extent to which China has involved in Africa in recent years. The economic, social and political implications from a macro perspective are analysed. Several international managerial challenges for Chinese enterprises operating in Africa at the micro-level are outlined.

Having sex with capitalism: parodic in-citation in the prose poem sequence

In his Spleen de Paris or Petits poèmes en prose [Little Prose Poems] Baudelaire (1869) forges an instrument of supple and radical potential, declaring the prose poem a ‘dangerous’ hybrid, which he wills elastic enough and staccato enough, to register the flows, jolts and distractions for the flâneur in the increasingly industrialised Paris. Here,by the mid-19th century, plate glass and gas lighting enable conspicuous consumption. Itis most strikingly the romantic-erotic and the relation between poet and his delicious, execrable wife, his inescapable, pitiless Muse (Baudelaire 1989: 177] that provides the nexus for radical questioning of the whole socio-political economy. Departing from Johnson’s Défigurations (1979) and using Irigaray’s (1984) hypothesis that the economy of sexual difference is the founding trope for the discursive and thus political economy of differences – of culture, ethnicity and class – this article first looks at theway Baudelaire activates the heterosexual relation as a site for social critique. It examines how Perec continues Baudelaire’s prose poetry experiment, offering, pre-May 1968, a revolutionary critique of desire by exploiting formal constraints to deconstruct still further the consumer subject of capitalism. It then investigates Brossard’s ‘hologrammatic’ challenge (1991) to patriarchal regimes of representation and the forms of desire they outlaw. Finally, it suggests how new work by Walwicz (2015)develops and displaces this radical inheritance.

The G20’s role in legitimating global capitalism: beyond crisis diplomacy?

The rising profile of the G20 in the aftermath of the Global Financial Crisis has led to various forms of concern about the legitimacy of this forum. While debates about the legitimacy of the G20 are important and ongoing, they overlook the important observation that the G20 is also attempting to perform a key role in legitimating global capitalism. This role of legitimating global capitalism emphasises the importance of the G20 to act, and be seen to act, to normalise global capitalism, to strengthen global economic governance, and also facilitate a political consensus with regard to key policy issues. This essay critically examines the role that the G20 plays in legitimating global capitalism and contends that the G20 is not just a technical forum of international policy-making but also a political forum for creating and performing visible responses to problems which are seen to be socially responsive.

Cultural and gender politics in Australian education, the rise of edu-capitalism and the 'fragile project' of critical educational research

This paper draws on research by Australians on Australian education to explore the tension between being critical and being marginalised. In it, I examine how research is positioned in the changing field of education in relation to government, society and the economy in the context of the rise of edu-capitalism globally. I then explore the policy shifts framing the cultural and gender politics of the research/policy problematic in Australia from the perspective of policy critique, policy service and policy advocacy. I consider how the global reconfiguring and reframing of higher education is impacting on the nature and institutional base of educational research, and it’s gendered implications. Finally, I argue that critical educational research is what makes educational research distinctive and also ‘makes a difference’ within a democratic society.

Unsettling India: affect, temporality, transnationality

In the last 20 years, India has witnessed visible, and often acrimonious, contests between global and local, modernity and tradition, markets and the State. The economic domain has seen a shift from a protected capitalist economy that tried to mix planning with a market-based economy, to a regime increasingly marked by neoliberalism and declining welfare state. This is a period of high economic growth, prosperity for some groups, and an increase in inequality levels in the country. We also witness an ongoing agrarian crisis in rural India, where the majority lives, contributing to more than 200,000 farm suicides in the last two decades. In the political domain, there is a distinct rightward shift with an unprecedented rise of Hindu majoritarianism that has recently culminated in the elevation of Narendra Modi to the post of Prime Minister. On the one hand, the new India is trying to be assertive as it tries to find its place as a global power and is stridently militaristic in its geopolitical interactions. On the other hand, it is trying to integrate into the global capitalist economy to catch up with the richer nations of the world as it strives for greater growth. In the socio-cultural sphere, marketization comes mixed with emphases on Hindu notions of good life and India’s mythical past, as the country witnesses a heady cocktail of religion and neoliberal capitalism that defines its political economy.

Slavoj Zizek: a little piece of the real

Contents: Introduction : locating Zizek as critical theorist -- 1. On Zizek's expanded notion of ideology -- 2. Western (European) modernity and its discontents -- 3. Lack in the other -- 4. Zizek's ticklish subject -- 5. Does Zizek have a critical social theory of contemporary capitalism? -- 6. Taking sides : what is left in Zizek? (the abyss of freedom?)

The political economy of maritime industry non-reform in interwar Australia: the establishment of the Maritime Services Board of New South Wales

From the First World War Australian port administration came under criticism from exporters, shipping companies and the Commonwealth government, all of whom argued that port authorities charges imposed an excessive burden on exporters. They sought the replacement of public port authorities by trusts representative of business interests. The campaign for port administration reform also diverted farmers from criticism of shipping freights and to secure their acquiescence in anti-competitive practices in the shipping industry. The formation of the Australian Overseas Transport Association in 1929 was the culmination of this campaign. Elite conservative political support for such anti-competitive practices reflected a belief that competitive capitalism was inherently unstable. The Scullin Labor of 1929-31 government abandoned Labor's earlier hostility to shipping companies to support cartelisation. Conservative state governments, in a more competitive electoral position than their federal counterparts and under greater financial pressure, deflected business calls for port administration reform. Business groups expected the NSW conservative government elected in 1932 to reform port administration towards a representative model, but the Maritime Services Board established in 1935 merely rationalised existing administrative structures. In the 1980s international economic instability legitimated the project of microeconomic reform, particularly in the maritime sector, but in the interwar period a different balance of capital, labour and the state meant that economic isolationism rather than integration was the policy outcome.