Counter-terrorism across the policing continuum

Over the past two decades private and hybrid forms of policing have grown considerably in Australia. As a result, governments have begun to recognize the role played by non-state police agencies and personnel in the provision of public order and safety, further extending and legitimizing non-state policing. In addition, the private ownership of critical infrastructure and 'communal spaces' has led to a central role for non-state police in the area of 'high policing' counter-terrorism. In response to changes to the auspices and providers of policing, state police were beginning to explore new ways of working with private and hybrid forms of policing, with the emergence of a new type of experiment in policing partnerships, the Police-Private Security Committee (POLSEC). This paper examines these trends and implications for ongoing developments in Australian policing.

Level of implementation of best practice policies for creating healthy food environments: assessment by state and non-state actors in Thailand

OBJECTIVE: To determine and compare the level of implementation of policies for healthy food environments in Thailand with reference to international best practice by state and non-state actors.
DESIGN: Data on the current level of implementation of food environment policies were assessed independently using the adapted Healthy Food Environment Policy Index (Food-EPI) by two groups of actors. Concrete actions were proposed for Thai Government. A joint meeting between both groups was subsequently held to reach consensus on priority actions.
SETTING: Thailand.
SUBJECTS: Thirty state actors and twenty-seven non-state actors.
RESULTS: Level of policy implementation varied across different domains and actor groups. State actors rated implementation levels higher than non-state actors. Both state and non-state actors rated level of implementation of monitoring of BMI highest. Level of implementation of policies promoting in-store availability of healthy foods and policies increasing tax on unhealthy foods were rated lowest by state and non-state actors, respectively. Both groups reached consensus on eleven priority actions for implementation, focusing on food provision in public-sector settings, food composition, food promotion, leadership, monitoring and intelligence, and food trade.
CONCLUSIONS: Although the implementation gaps identified and priority actions proposed varied between state and non-state actors, both groups achieved consensus on a comprehensive food policy package to be implemented by the Thai Government to improve the healthiness of food environments. This consensus is a platform for continued policy dialogue towards cross-sectoral policy coherence and effective actions to address the growing burden of non-communicable diseases and obesity in Thailand.

Neoliberalism, the developmental state and civil society in Korea

Following the Asian economic crisis of the late 1990s, some scholars predicted that the introduction of neoliberal ideas and policies would result in the definitive passing of the Korean developmental state. Despite these predictions, Korean state elites have retained their influential position as economic managers by, for instance, practicing a revised form of industrial policy. Neoliberal reform has, however, had significant social implications. Rather than neoliberalism acting as a democratising force that curtails the power of the state, this article illustrates that the Korean state has used the reform agenda to justify an expansion of its powers. The state presented itself as an agent capable of resolving long-standing economic problems, and of defending law and order. By doing so, the state reduced the political space available to non-state actors. The article concludes that for some states, neoliberalism is a means of retaining economic and political influence, and that former developmental states may be particularly adept at co-opting elements of civil society into governing alliances.

Norm diffusion within international organizations: a case study of the World Bank

Constructivists often argue that International Organizations (IOs) diffuse norms throughout the international system. This article asks the question: if IOs promote and diffuse specific norms within world politics, where do these norms come from? In particular, this analysis seeks to formulate how IOs' identities emerge in issue areas where rationalist theories give limited explanation, such as the environment. This article posits that IOs interact with and consume norms from non-state actors such as transnational advocacy networks, a process overlooked by the constructivist analysis of institutions. This is examined through a case study of the World Bank's environmental identity where transnational advocacy networks played an important role in the Bank's shift towards sustainable development, through processes characterized here as direct and indirect socialization. This article demonstrates that the Bank's shift was more than instrumental as a result of this interaction, and that constructivists therefore need to examine the role of IOs as norm consumers as well as norm diffusers.

Theorizing norm diffusion within international organizations

International Organizations (IOs) promote and diffuse norms within world politics. This prompts the question: where do these norms come from? This inquiry analyses how IOs have been perceived within the emerging norms literature where IOs are 'norm diffusers' within the international system, and finds that the way in which IOs themselves internalize norms has not been taken into account. This poses a potentially fruitful new avenue of inquiry into why and when IOs behave as norm diffusers. An interpretation of when and why IOs internalize norms is offered by positing that IO identities are not fixed and that they are 'norm consumers' socialized by state and non-state actors.

Integrated governance: a possible solution for a sustainable private sector led development in Bangladesh?

In the quest for 'good governance', the developing countries have embarked on ambitious NPM style market-oriented reform policies mainly advocated by international development agencies (IDA) over the last two decades. Bangladesh has been pursuing decades of market-oriented reforms advocated by IDAs with the prime objectives of achieving an efficient, cost effective service delivery through increased involvement of the private sector. The shift towards marketisation has led to a complex, horizontal and networked structure of partnerships between state and non state actors. The private sector and NOOs are now delivering goods and services which were once the exclusive domain of the state. These changes have however, not been associated with changes in institutional arrangements, safeguards and regulation required to support the private sector led development, which is not sustained independently of the context in which it operates. Using the agriculture input sector as an exemplar, this paper explores the constraints of sustainable private sector led development. The paper argues that the main impediment to private sector led development in this sector centre on lack of good governance. In addition, lack of an integrated market structure, market information, capacity and awareness building are other factors that are inhibiting the private sector led development. We argue that a functional governance model is required in Bangladesh that engages the state, civil society and the private sector to work effectively in a participatory approach to deal with the constraints of private sector led development and for improving good governance.

Global governance in the collective interest : between complex multilateralism and networked governance

This paper navigates the theoretical landscape between the concepts of Robert O’Brien et al’s ‘Complex Multilateralism’ and Anne-Marie Slaughter’s ‘Networked Governance’ to make both an empirical and normative argument about the practices of Global Governance. By incorporating state and non-state actors, as well as overlapping international regimes and institutions in the practices of Global Governance, this paper argues that the transition from traditional multilateralism, based almost solely on the activity of states, towards varying degrees of complex multilateralism is both clearly evident and gathering pace. A stronger form of complex multilateralism would appear to be heading towards what Slaughter describes as ‘Networked Governance’ that would see a rejection of a centralized approach to global governance. The paper takes this concept into consideration and maps out how this may, or may not, be an effective approach to Global Governance.

Drawing lines in the sea : the laws that govern traffic on the world’s oceans can be as difficult to shape as water

Since World War II, however, the term has increasingly referred to law enforcement operations, as a means to enforce trade sanctions, to prevent the movement of weapons of mass destruction (WMDs), and particularly in the Caribbean Sea, to prevent the smuggling of illicit drugs. Such ambiguity should allow flexibility when deciding whom should be targeted, as well as allowing states with veto powers in the UN Security Council, which may legitimately ship nuclear weapons and materials, to avoid being targeted as long as they do not export WMDs to rogue states or non-state groups or individuals.2 The ISPS Code was created under the auspices of the International Maritime Organization (IMO) and is part of the 1974 Safety of Life at Sea Convention (SOLAS) concerning the safety of merchant ships.

An international society - if you can keep it...

This paper is a defense of the ideal of an international society of sovereign states in an era of growing challenges to its practice. However, in order to defend the ideal of international society in an era of growing threats to the practice of this ideal, particularly in the forms of transnational harm, graphic interstate inequality, revisionist non-state actors and confrontational US foreign policy, I agree with those scholars that the theory of international society needs to be revised. While the English School (ES), also referred to as Rationalism, has examined and defended the ideal of an international society, the current problems facing the society of sovereign states require us to rethink the conceptual tools of the ES. While this paper defends the desirability of a society of sovereign states, I argue that that the pluralist-solidarist divide invites us to make ultimately unhelpful choices about ethics and politics within contemporary world politics. Consequently, I am going to propose that rather than concentrating on the ends that such a society ought to uphold, we ought to concentrate on the ways in which an international society could be sustained and the roles that individuals could play in the contemporary constitution of a robust international society.

Contemporary security and strategy

This chapter raises the following main points:
• The study of security has experienced a series of debates around the nature of the threats to security.
• The early security scholars, as distinct from those who studied strategy and warfare, took a broad approach and argued that military and non-military means could achieve security.
• During the Cold War the study of security focused on the most pressing security issue of the day – the nuclear standoff between the two superpowers.
• In the post-Cold War era the broader approach to the study of security returned to the fore and included non-state actors and non-traditional sources of insecurity.

Acting alone to act together: diversifying approaches to North Korea

Strategic discussions about North Korea’s proliferation comprise a number of dimensions. The core assumption underlying this article is that the ideational aspects of North Korea’s decision making are important and give rise to a range of strategic considerations. This is not to underplay the strategic, materialist elements in North Korea’s provocative and at times belligerent behaviour. Rather, it is to argue that Australia is well placed to concentrate on the social dimensions of strategic discussions. As a less important middle power, a regional player, yet geographically distant from the threat, Australia is in a position to provide a point of differentiation from other, more entrenched players such as the United States or the Republic of Korea (ROK). A good starting point for developing this sort of engagement is to enhance non-state, track two cooperation between the two countries, which has been stalled since the early 2000s. In this article I will first canvass the ongoing debate taking place in Australian academic and policy circles regarding Australia’s place in the world. Of particular concern, is the question how Australia should balance its most important strategic relationship – that with the United States – with geographic and economic realities. I then sketch some of the limitations of current thinking, concentrating particularly on discourse that portrays North Korea as a rogue state and finish with a discussion of how non-state activity can act as a helpful precursor to more constructive relationships between states, and the types of creative engagement strategies currently taking place in the United States, despite the volatile political environment.

The ‘great unwatched’ and the ‘lightly touched’: surveillance and stock market fraud

This chapter examines financial corporate crime, specifically the discontinuitiesand asymmetries in power that condition the differential uses of surveillance andsurveillance technologies in the governance of stock market fraud. It studiesstate and non-state control ('rule at a distance') (Rose and Miller 1992), theresistance practiced by the powerful economic actors who make up national andinternational equity trading markets, and the control efforts of regulatory agenciescharged with preventing, regulating and enforcing laws to counter stockmarket crime. At a theoretical level the study critiques the claims of surveillanceliteratures that technologically mediated surveillance, 'the new transparency',renders all social fields visible, and therefore knowable, manageable and governable(Haggerty and Ericson 2000), by documenting and interrogating how codeis used by powerful bankers, lawyers, accountants and stock brokers to construct'visibility covers' (Williams 2008: 1; Snider 2009; Braithwaite 2005).

China and technical global internet governance: Beijing’s approach to multi-stakeholder governance within ICANN, WSIS and the IGF

Since the late 1990s, the Chinese government has engaged in a process of attempting to reform the technical global internet governance regime, which is currently dominated by the US government and non-state actors. This article aims to contribute to the literature on Beijing’s approach to this issue by providing a detailed empirical account of its involvement in a few core regime organisations. It argues that Beijing’s reform approach is guided by its domestically derived preferences for strong state authority and expanding China’s global power, but that its reform efforts are unlikely to succeed based on countervailing structural hard- and soft-power factors.

Urban social insurance and worker satisfaction in China: Implications for India

This paper draws on a unique survey of urban employees in Jiangsu that was designed to assist analysis of workers' satisfaction with the urban social insurance scheme in China, and sheds light on whether workers in the urban non-state sector are satisfied with the level of social insurance coverage and whether their perceptions compare favourably with workers in the state-owned sector. It also discusses the globalisation and social protection debate in India and draws implications for the Indian experience from both our perception research and China's experience with urban social insurance reform more generally.

Does banks’ dual holding affect bank lending and firms’ investment decisions? Evidence from China

This study investigates the effect of banks’ dual holding on bank lending and firms’ investment decisions using a sample of listed firms in China. We find that dual holding leads to easier access to bank loans, a result that is more pronounced for non-state-owned enterprises (non-SOEs) than SOEs. We also find that dual holding distorts banks’ lending decisions and harms the investment efficiency for SOEs, while resulting in optimal lending decisions and enhanced investment efficiency for non-SOEs. For non-SOEs, further analysis suggests that optimal lending decisions and efficient investment can be achieved for firms with higher ownership concentration, and firms in which the family and foreign investors are the controlling shareholders. We argue that, in emerging markets, whether a bank plays a monitoring role by directly holding the debt and equity claims of companies relies heavily on whether the potential collusion between firm executives and bank managers can be averted, which in turn is determined by the firms’ governance framework and ownership structure.