6 resultados para medical history

em CentAUR: Central Archive University of Reading - UK


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Phyto-oestrogens have been associated with a decreased risk for osteoporosis, but results from intervention and observational studies in Western countries have been inconsistent. In the present study, we investigated the association between habitual phyto-oestrogen intake and broadband ultrasound attenuation (BUA) of the calcanaeum as a marker of bone density. We collected 7 d records of diet, medical history and demographic and anthropometric data from participants (aged 45–75 years) in the European Prospective Investigation into Cancer-Norfolk study. Phyto-oestrogen (biochanin A, daidzein, formononetin; genistein, glycitein; matairesinol; secoisolariciresinol; enterolactone; equol) intake was determined using a newly developed food composition database. Bone density was assessed using BUA of the calcanaeum. Associations between bone density and phyto-oestrogen intake were investigated in 2580 postmenopausal women who were not on hormone replacement therapy and 4973 men. Median intake of total phyto-oestrogens was 876 (interquartile range 412) μg/d in postmenopausal women and 1212 (interquartile range 604) μg/d in men. The non-soya isoflavones formononetin and biochanin A were marginally significant or significantly associated with BUA in postmenopausal women (β = 1·2; P < 0·1) and men (β = 1·2; P < 0·05), respectively; enterolignans and equol were positively associated with bone density in postmenopausal women, but this association became non-significant when dietary Ca was added to the model. In the lowest quintile of Ca intake, soya isoflavones were positively associated with bone density in postmenopausal women (β = 1·4; P < 0·1). The present results therefore suggest that non-soya isoflavones are associated with bone density independent of Ca, whereas the association with soya or soya isoflavones is affected by dietary Ca.

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Background: The characterization of phytoestrogen intake and cancer risk has been hindered by the absence of accurate dietary phytoestrogen values. Objective: We examined the risk of breast, colorectal, and prostate cancers relative to phytoestrogen intake on the basis of a comprehensive database. Design: Demographic and anthropometric characteristics, a medical history, and 7-d records of diet were collected prospectively from participants (aged 40–79 y) in the European Prospective Investigation into Cancer and Nutrition–Norfolk (EPIC-Norfolk). Five hundred nine food items were analyzed by liquid chromatography–mass spectrometry/mass spectrometry, and 13C3-labeled internal standards were analyzed for isoflavones (genistein, daidzein, glycitein, biochanin A, and formononetin), lignans (secoisolariciresinol and matairesinol), and enterolignans from gut microbial metabolism in animal food sources (equol and enterolactone). From the direct analysis, values for 10,708 foods were calculated. Odds ratios (ORs) for breast (244 cases, 941 controls), colorectal (221 cases, 886 controls), and prostate (204 cases, 812 controls) cancers were calculated relative to phytoestrogen intake. Results: Phytoestrogen intake was not associated with breast cancer among women or colorectal cancer among men. Among women, colorectal cancer risk was inversely associated with enterolactone (OR: 0.33; 95% CI: 0.14, 0.74) and total enterolignans (OR: 0.32; 95% CI: 0.13, 0.79), with a positive trend detected for secoisolariciresinol (OR: 1.60; 95% CI: 0.96, 2.69). A positive trend between enterolignan intake and prostate cancer risk (OR: 1.27; 95% CI: 0.97, 1.66) was attenuated after adjustment for dairy intake (OR: 1.19; 95% CI: 0.77, 1.82). Conclusion: Dietary phytoestrogens may contribute to the risk of colorectal cancer among women and prostate cancer among men.

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Sick children were ubiquitous in early modern England, and yet they have received very little attention from historians. Taking the elusive perspective of the child, this article explores the physical, emotional, and spiritual experience of illness in England between approximately 1580 and 1720. What was it like being ill and suffering pain? How did the young respond emotionally to the anticipation of death? It is argued that children’s experiences were characterised by profound ambivalence: illness could be terrifying and distressing, but also a source of emotional and spiritual fulfilment and joy. This interpretation challenges the common assumption amongst medical historians that the experiences of early modern patients were utterly miserable. It also sheds light on children’s emotional feelings for their parents, a subject often overlooked in the historiography of childhood. The primary sources used in this article include diaries, autobiographies, letters, the biographies of pious children, printed possession cases, doctors’ casebooks, and theological treatises concerning the afterlife.

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David Arnold who retired this year as the Professor of Asian and Global History at the University of Warwick remains one of the most prolific historians of colonial medicine and modern South Asia. A founding member of the subaltern studies collective, he is considered widely as a pioneer in the histories of colonial medicine, environment, penology, hunger and famines within South Asian studies and beyond. In this interview he recalls his formative inspirations, ideological motivations and reflects critically on his earlier works, explaining various shifts as well as map- ping the possible course of future work. He talks at length about his forthcoming works on everyday technology, food and monsoon Asia. Finally, he shares with us his desire of initiating work on an ambitious project about the twin themes of poison and poverty in South Asian his- tory, beginning with the Bengal famine in the late eighteenth century and ending with the Bhopal gas tragedy of the early 1980s. This conversation provides insights into the ways in which the field of medical history in modern South Asia has been shaped over the past three decades through interactions with broader discussions on agency, resistance, power, everydayness, subal- tern studies, global and spatial histories. It hints further at the newer directions which are being opened up by such persisting intellectual entanglements.

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Historians of medicine, childhood, and paediatrics, have often assumed that early modern doctors neither treated children, nor adapted their medicines to suit the peculiar temperaments of the young. Through an examination of medical textbooks and doctors’ casebooks, this article refutes these assumptions. It argues that medical authors and practising doctors regularly treated children, and were careful to tailor their remedies to complement the distinctive constitutions of children. Thus, this article proposes that a concept of ‘children’s physic’ existed in early modern England: this term refers to the notion that children were physiologically distinct, requiring special medical care. Children’s physic was rooted in the ancient traditions of Hippocratic and Galenic medicine: it was the child’s humoral makeup that underpinned all medical ideas about children’s bodies, minds, diseases, and treatments. Children abounded in the humour blood, which made them humid and weak, and in need of medicines of a particularly gentle nature.