Borrowing and shift-induced interference: contrasting patterns in French-Germanic contact in Brussels and Strasbourg

The main aim of the present article is to test hypotheses derived from the model for contact- induced language change as formulated in Thomason and Kaufman (1988 et seq.). As the model correctly predicts the asymmetries between the mutual influences of the Germanic and the Romance varieties in Brussels and Strasbourg it is a very powerful tool for describing the contact patterns in these cities. The analysis shows that the contact patterns are very similar, both from a quantitative and from a qualitative point of view, despite important differences in the sociolinguistic situation of both cities. The striking similarities in the outcome of language contact seem to find a plausible explanation in the fact that the language contact situations in both cities are similar from a typological point of view: in each city a variety of French is in contact with a Germanic variety (Alsatian and Brussels Dutch). Thus, the claim of the present article is that the structure of the languages plays a more prominent role in the outcome of language contact than the sociolinguistic history of the speakers.

Towards a uniform approach to code-switching and borrowing

This is one of the first papers in which arguments are given to treat code-switching and borrowing as similar phenomena. It is argued that it is theoretically undesirable to distinguish both phenomena, and empirically very problematic. A probabilistic account of code-switching and a hierarchy of switched constituents (similar to hierarchies of borrowability) are proposed which account for the fact that some constituents are more likely to be borrowed/switched than others. It is argued that the same kinds of constraints apply to both code-switching and borrowing.