14 resultados para democracy promotion
em Universidad del Rosario, Colombia
Resumo:
En el contexto de la lucha de la Unión Europea contra el crimen organizado transnacional, el tráfico ilegal de armas pequeñas y ligeras proveniente de los grupos criminales albaneses y kosovares, es uno de los delitos a los que la Unión Europea ha tenido que hacer frente. Así pues, esta investigación logró analizar cómo la falta de coordinación de las políticas europeas implementadas para luchar contra el tráfico ilegal de armas pequeñas y ligeras y la corrupción estatal en Albania y Kosovo, fueron los dos factores de mayor influencia para evidenciar el impacto a la efectividad de dichas políticas implementadas. Para esto se debió comprender las dinámicas de los grupos criminales y la influencia de la corrupción en su actuar, y después examinar las políticas implementadas por la Unión Europea y los factores que no permitieron que existiera coordinación entre ellas.
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El objetivo de la presente monografía de grado es analizar la relación entre la identidad dentro de Rusia y la política exterior de dicho Estado hacia la región de Abjasia. Se analiza y explica la manera en que los referentes identitarios dentro de Rusia en el periodo 2000-2008 influyen en las decisiones de política exterior que Rusia tomó hacia Abjasia en el campo militar y político. Se efectúa una revisión de textos (transcripciones de intervenciones y textos escritos) del Presidente y Primer Ministro de la Federación Rusa entre 2000 y 2008 para encontrar los referentes identitarios que determinan el comportamiento de Rusia hacia otros Estados y la forma en que influenciaron sus acciones con respecto a Abjasia.
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This document is a revision of some major concepts of health promotion in order to provide a framework for the action of those who work in mental health. Since the Ottawa charter, new references on health can contribute significantly for the education and action of the mental health practitioner. In order to promote and enhance better and healthier ways if living as well as better life conditions. Mental health is considered as a tool for the understanding and construction of the sense of well being and well living. In our country our professional training programs have understood the importance of educating in a more integrated and holistic way in the search for creative approaches for problems we face in our every day life, based on the hope that a better country with more equity and justice, as well as better and healthier conditions can be more than just a dream.
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Objective: To determine the change of behavior in physical activity and the characteristics associated with the use and benefits of Local Physical Activity Center (CLAF) in the population of the town of Santa Fe de Bogota. Materials and methods: We conducted a longitudinal study before and after, which was assessed at admission and 3 months in the intervention program CLAF physical activity, behavior change compared to the physical activity of users. Inclusion criteria: were being active user of CLAF, aged between 15 and 65 years and voluntarily express their participation in the study. Exclusion criteria: Fill incomplete measurement instruments used. The sampling frame of CLAF users, we selected n=55 subjects. To gather information, a questionnaire, which contained the behavioral stages of change, also conducted a survey which determined semistructured features about the benefits and use of CLAF. Results: The total study participants was n = 55, mean age was 40.4 ± 15.3 years, with a minimum 15 and maximum of 64 years, 83.6% were women. 78.2% do not know the purpose of the Local Centre for Physical Activity. The outreach strategy that most came to the group was 58.2 with a verbal type. The time for links to CLAF more frequently in the group evaluated was 1 to 6 months 36.4. The motivation to regularly attend the CLAF in the majority was to improve the physical and / or a 74.5% mental. 89.1% would be willing to recommend to others the use of CLAF. A 81.8% of the population physical activity performed by more than 150 min / wk at moderate intensity; Post CLAF intervention in the subjects showed positive changes in the level of physical activity (p<0.001, Test de Wilcoxon) and behavioral state (p<0.001, Test de Wilcoxon).
Resumo:
World Health Organization (WHO) has prioritized physical activity (PA) as one of the mostrelevant strategies leading the decreasing prevalence of noncommunicable chronic diseases. Pedometer has emerged as one of the valid intervention programs, reliable and useful to assess,measure and promote the physical activity practice, through counts the number of steps perday. One of the aims is to establish the goals based on steps per day made by a person and thepositive feedback, which can generate behavior changes and adoption of healthy habits, from a regular physical activity practice perspective. This review attends to enhance the current state ofpedometer program, as an intervention one, in all kind of population; its health impact and theapplication methodologies, using the pedometer as a steps quantifier device, with feasible access,use and management. Additionally, the review will be useful as a framework to design futureresearch projects, aim to develop, adapt and apply evidence based pedometer protocols, insideclinical, academic and community context.
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The object of this experience is to offer the students the opportunity to take part in the construction of a pedagogic strategy centred on the ludic, for the promotion of the integral health and the prevention of the disease with an educational community; directed to supporting and qualifying the well-being so much individually as group. The project is designed to five years, about interdisciplinary character (Speech Therapy, Medicine, Psychology, Nursery, Occupational Therapy), interinstitutional (Universidad del Rosario, Universidad de San Buenaventura y Universidad de Cundinamarca) and intersectorial (Education and Health). It considers the different actors of the educational community and school and the home as propitious scenes for the strengthening potential, beside being the fundamental spaces for the construction of knowledges and learnings concerning the integral health. To achieve the target, one has come constructing from the second semester of 2003, one pedagogic strategy centred on the ludic and the creativity, from which they are planned, they develop and evaluate the actions of promotion of skills, values, behaviors and attitudes in the care of the health and the prevention of disease, orientated to the early, opportune and effective detection of risk factors and problematic of the development that they affect the integral health. The above mentioned strategy raises a so called scene Bienestarópolis: A healthy world for conquering, centred on prominent figures, spaces and elements that alternate between the fantasy and the reality to facilitate the approximation, the interiorización and the appropriation of the integral health. Across this one, the children motivated by the adults enter an imaginary world in that theirs desires, knowledges and attitudes are the axis of his development. Since Vigotsky raises it, in the game the child realizes actions in order to adapt to the world that surrounds it acquiring skills for the learning. The actions of the project have involved 410 children and 25 teachers, of the degrees Zero, The First and The Second of basic primary; 90 parents of family, and an average of 40 students and 8 teachers of the already mentioned disciplines.
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This article presents a synthetic view about the most important transformations that Uruguayan society has undergone in the last decade. It aims at articulating, through Political History and Political Science approaches, the recent political process with the itineraries of the economy and the society. It pretends in particular to argue that Uruguayan democracy is mutating, its actors and institutions are changing, with the help of both global and local transformations. K
Ordinary People in Extraordinary Times: The Citizenry and the Breakdown of Democracy by Nancy Bermeo
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The international dimension of democratisation is a major concern in the study of contemporary political systems. The analysis of domestic political transformations in which International Organisations (IOs) may be salient actors compromises the traditional inward-looking approach of comparative politics that holds democracy to be a domestic affair par excellence. Nevertheless, the maturity of any process of democratisation relies upon the establishment and sustainability of institutions that genuinely reflect the interests and socio-political identity of the citizens of that polity. The role of external influence, whether progressive or abrupt, is clearly limited in constructing and sustaining this process. However, the relevance of international variables in influencing the renaissance or enhancement of democracy has not been overlooked by either scholars or politicians over the past fifteen years. As a number of political systems went through what became known as the third wave of democratization, the role of IOs in breaking down undemocratic strongholds and in neutralising possible reversals began to gain momentum. Contending approaches and controversial case studies alike appear to elicit very different conclusions concerning the legitimacy and the effectiveness of international actors in this field. This analysis addresses the rationale underpinning the deployment of multilateral external actors as agents of democratisation. Drawing on an integrative theoretical approach and a comparative case study involving the democratisation agendas of the Organization of American States (OAS) and the United Nations (UN) in Latin America (LA), contrasting international models of deployment are assessed. It is argued that IOs’ democratisation strategies are based on institutional roadmaps leading towards the attainment of targets which vary according to three key ´guidelines’: how democracy is conceptualised, what cooperative strategies are used, and what frameworks for democratisation are adopted.-----La dimensión internacional de la democratización representa un fenómeno importante de los sistemas políticos contemporáneos. El hecho de que la transformación política interna sea incluida bajo el título de organizaciones internacionales (OI) indica un rompimiento con el enfoque tradicional de observación interna de la política comparativa, si se parte de la suposición de que la “democracia” es un asunto interno por excelencia. Hay procesos complejos que limitan la viabilidad de la fortuna democrática en la política interior, los cuales dependen de las estructuras representativas del poder que fluye de la legitimidad nacional y la identidad política. No obstante, los estímulos internacionales que sostienen a los sistemas nacionales de gobierno, estructurados alrededor de la construcción y la consolidación de la democracia, están en el centro de la política comparativa contemporánea. Cuando varios sistemas políticos atravesaban la tercera ola de democratización, las OI asumieron rápidamente una posición significativa como agentes que neutralizaban los miedos a la inversión de políticas, rompiendo lazos con formas antidemocráticas de gobierno y eliminando las normas informales de los juegos democráticos. Las dinámicas mencionadas dan fundamento para abordar el debate sobre los modelos externos de apoyo. Mediante un enfoque teórico integrador y un estudio comparativo de casos de las agendas de democratización de la Organización de Estados Americanos y las Naciones Unidas dirigidas a la problemática democrática latinoamericana, se aclaran modelos internacionales “ocultos” de despliegue. Se argumenta que las estrategias de las OI para democratizar se fundamentan en que los planes de desarrollo institucionales para la democratización lleguen a los objetivos democráticos a través de tres “guías” multilaterales: conceptualización de la democracia, estrategias de cooperación y marcos de referencia especiales para la democratización.
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Este artículo analiza la relación entre jurisdicción constitucional y consolidación de la democracia. Se ocupa, en primer lugar, de la multidimensionalidad de los factores que influyen en la consolidación de la democracia y la relativa importancia de los tribunales constitucionales en este proceso; en segundo lugar expone la multidimensionalidad de los conceptos de democracia y de consolidación de la democracia y la relevancia que dentro de los diferentes conceptos alcanza la jurisdicción constitucional; tercero, apunta a la interrelación recíproca entre democracia y jurisdicción constitucional, destacando el carácter político de su relación. Por lo demás, hace hincapie en la tesis de que, respecto a esta relación y explicando casos, ¿el contexto hace la diferencia? Se enfoca enseguida en las funciones de la jurisdicción constitucional. Se dedica, primero, a los requisitos irrenunciables que tienen que darse y las condiciones favorables que fomentan el cumplimiento de sus funciones por parte de los tribunalesconstitucionales, y segundo, entra en algunos ámbitos de la jurisdicción constitucional en búsqueda de su relevancia para la consolidación de la democracia. Finalmente, termina afirmando el carácter circular de la relación entre jurisdicción constitucional y consolidación de la democracia,resumiendo algunas de las afirmaciones que de manera diferenciada se han hecho a lo largo del estudio.-----This article analyzes the relationship between constitutional jurisdiction and consolidation of democracy, highlighting first of all the multidimensionality of the factors that influence the consolidation of democracy and the relative importance of the constitutional court in this process; stating secondly the multidimensionality of the concepts of democracy and consolidation of democracy as well as the relevance reached by the constitutional jurisdiction within the different concepts; and thirdly, aiming at the reciprocal interrelationship between democracy and constitutional jurisdiction, emphasizing the political nature of such relationship. In all other respects, the question stressed in the thesis is, with respect to this relationship and detailing certain cases: ¿does context make a difference? Then, the focus shifts towards the role of the constitutional jurisdiction. First, it looks at the inalienable requirements that must be present and the conditions favorable to the promotion of the constitutional courts’ fulfillment of their roles, and secondly, it touches on some aspects of constitutional jurisdiction in search of its relevance regarding the consolidation of democracy. Finally, the circular characteristic of the relationship between constitutional jurisdiction and consolidation of democracy is affirmed, summarizing some of the assertions that have been made distinguishably throughout the study.
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This article presents the continuities from the past -structural asymmetries and hyper-presidentialism- as well as the innovations of the new democratic Argentina. This mixture of continuity and innovation has contributed to the development of particular forms of intergovernmental relations which we call cross control mechanisms and interference between the federal and provincial levels. This mixture also contributes to the shining of subnational actors in national arenas and of the provincial party identities. These elements are what primarily determine the way the democratic political game in Argentina has been structured, since the transition.
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La primera infancia es la etapa comprendida entre los 0 y los 6 años, y es el momento en el cual el cerebro tiene mayor plasticidad, por lo que en la actualidad se cree que la educación debe iniciar en este momento de la vida. La educación inicial ha venido dejando de lado el interés por los procesos cognitivos y ha puesto su foco de atención en el desarrollo social y emocional de los niños. El objetivo del presente trabajo es describir las características de los programas de educación emocional en la primera infancia a través de la lente de la Psicología Positiva utilizando una metodología cualitativa documental y específicamente el estado del arte. Los resultados obtenidos se dividen en corte empírico y corte teórico; para los de corte empírico se encontró que si bien el target que se pretende impactar son los niños en la primera infancia, varios programas le apuntan a trabajar como primera instancia con los cuidadores de los niños. Por otro lado como variables más comunes se manejaban las habilidades interpersonales y la resolución de problemas. Para los de corte teórico se encontró que los programas se orientan bajo una pedagogía dinámica y que muchos se centran en enfoques orientados a la promoción de habilidades sociales.
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Esta monografía busca explicar cómo han incidido el contexto internacional y las relaciones transnacionales en el movimiento feminista de Marruecos. De este modo, este estudio defiende que las Conferencias Mundiales sobre la Mujer de la ONU crearon una estructura de oportunidad política que favoreció el surgimiento y el desarrollo de este movimiento. Asimismo, dicho contexto construyó un espacio para que las activistas feministas marroquíes crearan y se insertaran en Redes de Defensa Transnacional, las cuales contribuyeron a cambiar la condición de la mujer en Marruecos, a través de reformas a los Códigos de Familia y Nacionalidad y el levantamiento de las reservas a la CEDAW. Para esto se hará un estudio interdisciplinario haciendo uso de la teoría de los movimientos sociales y del activismo transnacional. Igualmente, se utilizará una metodología cualitativa, principalmente a través de las herramientas del análisis de contenido y el trabajo de campo de la autora.
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Based on the experiences of Colombia, Brazil and Bolivia, the paper proposes a general analytical framework for participatory mechanisms. The analysis is oriented to detect the incentives in each system and theethics and behavior sustaining them. It investigates about the sustainability of participatory democracy, in the face of tensions with representative democracy. The article presents a theoretical framework built from theseexperiences of institutional design and political practice, and confronts it against the theoretical conceptualizationsof participatory democracy in Bobbio, Sartori, Elster and Nino, among others. In this context, different waysin which those schemes can be inserted in the political systems become apparent, along with the variables thatresult from combining elements of direct, representative and participatory democracy”