8 resultados para civilian protection

em Universidad del Rosario, Colombia


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La compensation est un outil d’adaptation entre différents intérêts. Par rapport à l’environnement, il existe une diversité de formes qui appliquent de façon différente l’une de l’autre, la technique de la compensation. Autrement dit, des situations juridiques différentes appliquent la compensation comme une façon de régler un enjeu: on peut la trouver dans la forme d’indemnisation, comme dans de cas de la Fonderie du Trail et la Commission de Compensation des Nations Unies; de réglementation d’un dommage futur, étant une compensation ex ante facto, comme dans le cas de la Convention de Ramsar; et par des voies juridiques qui incitent le comportement privé à travers l’usage de certains outils de marché, comme les Mécanismes de Dèveloppement Propre, ou dans le domaine du droit national, la compensation de la biodiversité française, la «mitigation banking» américaine, la «Servidão Ambiental» Brésilienne, et l’écocompensation chinoise, entre autres. Le défi épistémologique se présente dans la diversité de sources, ainsi que d’acteurs et de domaines d’action dans le cadre juridique environnemental, en y exigeant un élargissement de la vision du droit étatique. Il s’agit aussi d’intégrer une interprétation systémique pour le rapport entre les systèmes juridiques, écologiques et économiques concernés. Il est possible d’utiliser quelques outils comme le pluralisme juridique, la théorie des systèmes et l’analyse économique du droit de l’environnement. Les concepts de corégulation et autorégulation peuvent aussi aider dans cet élargissement. D’ailleurs, des limites sont nécessaires pour l’équilibre entre la mise en oeuvre des intérêts écologiques et économiques. Ces limites sont données par le droit, par l’interprétation systémique, par l’État et par un renforcement de la responsabilité des entités privées. L’analyse presente d’abord les caractéristiques de la compensation dans des instruments économiques et juridiques. Ensuite, il est vérifié comment le pluralisme juridique, l’interprétation systémique, l’analyse économique et les concepts de corégulation et autorégulation peuvent-ils être utiles pour le regard épistémologique de la compensation, ainsi que pour son étude juridique.

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This article aims to present an approach to the issue of farm or rural zone workers, including a labour law study of agrarian legal decisions, so as to demonstrate their importance in respect to social, economic and cultural rights in Colombia. The study will serve to illustrate through the history, the applicable law and the jurisprudence, the different ways in which farmers have been treated from the time of the origin until the arrival of modern systems of industrialization. It calls into question the effectiveness of existing laws and the role of the courts, in spite of globalization, to maintain the minimum rights and guarantees of farm workers who are considered to be a vulnerable population. In conclusion, this study seeks to illustrate the current role of the Labor law and the National Health Service in the area of demonstrating of the existence or absence of mechanisms to protect workers in rural areas and the need to create some mechanisms that involve social justice given its prime importance in the Constitution of 1991.

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The problem of land ownership protection in this country is an issue that must be faced by those who have as part of their responsibilities the recognition, the restitution and the reparation of victims of forced displacement. One of the points that must be analyzed is the protection of ownership of urban lands, a subject falling under municipal responsibility. The development of a public policy by the City of Medellín for the protection of such lands is a significant advance for the creation of protocols and for the return of rights to those who have adandoned their lands because of violence or who have been divested of their homes in urban areas.

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This document is aimed first of all, make a small introductory reference on the three levels of protection of fundamental rights in Europe with the idea of helping to clarify and understand mainly to non-European systems that we are not talking. For that, based on this, going on to assess the impact generated in these systems suggest that the complaints alleged involvement of European countries in secret CIA flights to combat international terrorism, as well as investigate the responses that have given each protection of these areas to try to clarify them. 

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El objetivo de esta investigación es examinar desde una perspectiva ecológica la salud mental de los adolescentes desplazados por la violencia política en Colombia. Se tomó como base el modelo ecológico integrado del impacto del trauma de Elbedour, ten Bensel y Bastien (1993), que estipula la influencia combinada de diferentes niveles de factores unidos a la experiencia traumática, factores individuales y factores proximales que vienen de la familia, y de los factores sociales de la red social familiar. El estudio se realizó con 98 jóvenes en edades entre los 9 a 16 años (M= 12.5 años, dt= 2.18), habitantes de las afueras de Barranquilla, de los cuales 48 son desplazados por la violencia (26 de sexo masculino, 22 de sexo femenino) y 50 son sedentarios pobres (26 de sexo masculino, 24 de sexo femenino). Los cuestionarios se escogieron en función de su utilización en contextos de pobreza y/o violencia (Macksoud, 1992; Macksoud & Aber, 1996; Macksoud, Aber, Dyregrov & Raundalen, 1990). Los resultados muestran que los adolescentes desplazados son más deprimidos y ansiosos que sus pares sedentarios. La ansiedad está unida al número total de eventos traumáticos, mientras que la depresión se explica más bien por la separación de los padres. Las competencias sociales y el ambiente social actúan como factores protectores. Entre los factores del ambiente social se observa el hecho de vivir en una familia extensa y de inscribirse en una red social que incluye a los amigos de la familia.  En su conjunto, la familia y la preservación de su unidad aparecen como elementos cruciales.

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What is the relationship between the type of training combatants receive upon recruitment into an armed group and their propensity to abuse civilians in civil war? Does military training or political training prevent or exacerbate the victimization of civilians by armed non-state actors? While the literature on civilian victimization has expanded rapidly, few studies have examined the correlation between abuse of civilians and the modes of training that illegal armed actors receive. Using a simple formal model, we develop hypotheses regarding this connection and argue that while military training should not decrease the probability that a combatant engages in civilian abuse, political training should. We test these hypotheses using a new survey consisting of a representative sample of approximately 1,500 demobilized combatants from the Colombian conflict, which we match with department-level data on civilian casualties. The empirical analysis confirms our hypotheses about the connection between training and civilian abuse and the results are robust to adding a full set of controls both at the department and at the individual level

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Civilians constitute a large share of casualties in civil wars across the world. They are targeted to create fear and punish allegiance with the enemy. This maximizes collaboration with the perpetrator and strengthens the support network necessary to consolidate control over contested regions. I develop a model of the magnitude and structure of civilian killings in civil wars involving two armed groups who Öght over territorial control. Armies secure compliance through a combination of carrots and sticks. In turn, civilians di§er from each other in their intrinsic preference towards one group. I explore the e§ect of the empowerment of one of the groups in the civilian death toll. There are two e§ects that go in opposite directions. While a direct e§ect makes the powerful group more lethal, there is an indirect e§ect by which the number of civilians who align with that group increases, leaving less enemy supporters to kill. I study the conditions under which there is one dominant e§ect and illustrate the predictions using sub-national longitudinal data for Colombiaís civil war.

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Financial protection is one of the objectives of health systems, which protects poor households from falling into poverty as a result of health care related expenses. Expanding prepayment schemes to the poor is difficult in developing countries because labor is largely informal. Providing health care free-at-point-of-service does not adequately target spending on the poorest, but occupation- or community-based schemes have also inherent limitations to achieve universal coverage. Colombia adopted a government-subsidized health insurance scheme (SHI) strategy. The political debate about increasing SHI enrollment needs evidence about the effectiveness of this scheme regarding financial protection. This study runs a four-part model to estimate the effect of SHI on out-of-pocket expenses by the poor that are currently uninsured, if they were enrolled in the SHI. The results show a 43% and 50% reduction in expenses at Bogotá and national level respectively, which confirms the effectiveness of SHI as a financial protection tool.