4 resultados para The issue of autonomy

em Universidad del Rosario, Colombia


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This article aims to present an approach to the issue of farm or rural zone workers, including a labour law study of agrarian legal decisions, so as to demonstrate their importance in respect to social, economic and cultural rights in Colombia. The study will serve to illustrate through the history, the applicable law and the jurisprudence, the different ways in which farmers have been treated from the time of the origin until the arrival of modern systems of industrialization. It calls into question the effectiveness of existing laws and the role of the courts, in spite of globalization, to maintain the minimum rights and guarantees of farm workers who are considered to be a vulnerable population. In conclusion, this study seeks to illustrate the current role of the Labor law and the National Health Service in the area of demonstrating of the existence or absence of mechanisms to protect workers in rural areas and the need to create some mechanisms that involve social justice given its prime importance in the Constitution of 1991.

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The text argues that, even if different sectors of society have some strategic points of agreement on the issue of land, which converge on the specific issue of restitution, they strongly disagree on various other points. On one side are some who advocate “pure restitution” and consequently support a restitution policy that focuses on correcting the illegal dispossession and clarifying land titles and individual rights to property, which would serve to boost the land market and allow for rural development policies that modernize agricultural production, fundamentally based on large, corporate ownership. On the other end of the spectrum are advocates of what we call “comprehensive restitution,” who promote adopting a restitution policy that meets the requirements not only of corrective justice but also of recognition and redistribution, advancing the interest of peasant, indigenous, and afro-Colombian communities.

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This article offers a theoretical interpretation of the dispositions on land restitution contained in the famous “Victims’ Bill”, which was debated in the Colombian Congress during the year 2008. The bill included specific mechanisms aimed at guaranteeing the restitution of land to victims of the Colombian armed conflict. At the time, the bill was endorsed by all the main political actors in the country –notably the government and the elites that support it, on the one hand, and victims’ and human rights organizations and other opposition groups, on the other–. The fact that the restitution of land to victims of the Colombian armed conflict was being considered as a serious possibility by all political actors in the country seemed to indicate the existence of a consensus among actors whose positions are ordinarily opposed, on an issue that has traditionally led to high levels of polarization. This consensus is quite puzzling, because it seems to be at odds with the interests and/or the conceptions of justice advocated by these political actors, and because the restitution of land faces enormous difficulties both from a factual and a normative point of view, which indicates that it may not necessarily be the best alternative for dealing with the issue of land distribution in Colombia. This article offers an interpretation of said consensus, arguing that it is only an apparent consensus in which the actors are actually misrepresenting their interests and conceptions of justice, while at the same time adopting divergent strategies of implementation aimed at fulfilling their true interests. Nevertheless, the article concludes that the common adherence by all actors to the principle of restorative justice might bring about its actual realization, and thus produce an outcome that, in spite (and perhaps even because) of being unintended, might substantively contribute to solving the problem of unequal land distribution in Colombia. Even though the article focuses in some detail on the specificities of the 2008 Bill, it attempts to make a general argument about the state of the discussion on how to deal with the issue of land distribution in the country. Consequently, it may still be relevant today, especially considering that a new Bill on land restitution is currently being discussed in Congress, which includes the same restitution goals as the Victims’ Bill and many of its procedural and substantive details, and which therefore seems to reflect a similar consensus to the one analyzed in the article.

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This paper develops some theoretical and methodological considerations for the development of a critical competence model (CCM). The model is defined as a set of skills and knowledge functionally organized allowing measurable results with positive consequences for the strategic business objectives. The theoretical approaches of classical model of competences, the contemporary model of competencies and human competencies model were revised for the proposal development. implementation of the model includes 5 steps: 1) conducting a job analysis considering which dimensions or facets are subject to revision, 2) identify people with the opposite performance (the higher performance and lower performance); 3) identify critical incidents most relevant to the job position, 4) develop behavioral expectation scales (bes) and 5) validate BES obtained for experts in the field. As a final consideration, is determined that the competence models require accurate measurement. Approaches considering excessive theoreticism may cause the issue of competence become a fashion business with low or minimal impact, affecting its validity, reliability and deployment in organizations.