Some Incidents and Circumstances

- The first part of the document traces Mr. Haile’s lineage. His father, James Haile was a farmer. His grandfather, Amos Haile was a sailor for the early part of his life. He was placed on a British man-of- war in about 1758. He escaped and settled in Putney. (p.1) - His father’s mother’s maiden name was Parker. His mother’s maiden name was Campbell. Her father was a captain in the Revolutionary Army. (p.2) - His earliest memories revolve around the death of his aunt and the funeral of General Washington (although he did not witness this). At the time, his father was a Lieutenant in a regiment militia of Light Dragoons who wore red coats. (p.3) - In 1804, an addition was added to the Haile house which necessitated that William was to stay home to help with the building. He continued to study and read on his own. He was particularly interested in Napoleon Bonaparte’s victories. In that same year he was sent to Fairfield Academy where Reverend Caleb Alexander was the principal. (p.4) - On June 1, 1812, William was appointed as an Ensign in the Infantry of the Army of the United States. He was put into the recruiting service at Nassau (20 miles east of Albany) where he remained until September. (p.4) - He was assigned to the 11th Regiment of the W.S. Infantry and directed to proceed to Plattsburgh to report to Colonel Isaac Clark. (p.7) - He was assigned to the company commanded by Captain Samuel H. Halley who was not in the best of health and often absent. For a good part of the time William was in charge of the company. (p.8) - The 11th Regiment was encamped beside the 15th Regiment commanded by Col. Zebulon Montgomery Pike [Pike’s Peak was named after him]. Col. Pike generously drilled and disciplined the 11th Regiment since their officers didn’t seem capable of doing so. (p.8) - The first brigade to which William’s regiment was attached to was commanded by Brigadier General Bloomfield of New Jersey. Brigadier Chandler of Maine commanded the second brigade. (p.9) - At the beginning of November, Major General Dearborn took command of the army. He had been a good officer in his time, but William refers to him as “old and inefficient” earning him the nickname “Granny Dearborn” (p.9) - On November 17th, 1812, General Dearborn moved north with his army. The troops ended up in Champlain. There was no fighting, only a skirmish between a party of men under Colonel Pike and a few British troops who he succeeded in capturing. (p.10) - The troops were moved to barracks for the winter. Colonel Pike’s troops were put into suitable barracks and kept healthy but another part of the army (including the 11th Regiment) were sent to a barracks of green lumber north of Burlington. Disease soon broke out in the damp barracks and the hundreds of deaths soon followed. One morning, William counted 22 bodies who had died the previous night. He puts a lot of this down to an inexperienced commanding officer, General Chandler. (p.11) - At the beginning of 1813, William was stationed as a recruiter on the shore of Shoreham across from Fort Ticonderoga. In February, he returned to Burlington with his recruits. In March he received an order from General Chandler to proceed to Whitehall and take charge of the stores and provisions. In April and May it was decided that his half of the regiment (the First Battalion) should march to Sackett’s Harbour, Lake Ontario. They arrived at Sackett’s Harbour about the 10th of June, a few days after the Battle of Sackett’s Harbour. (p.12) - He was camped near the site of Fort Oswego and got word to head back to Sackett’s Harbour. A storm overtook the schooner that he was on. (p.14) - William was involved in the Battle of Williamsburg (or Chrysler’s Farm) which he calls a “stupid and bungling affair on the part of our generals”.(p. 18) - General Covington was wounded and died a few days after the battle. (p.19) - William speaks of being ill. The troops were ordered to march to Buffalo, but he is able to go to his father’s house in Fairfield where his mother nursed him back to health (p.23) - Upon arrival at Buffalo, the “old fogy Generals” were replaced with younger, more efficient men. (p.25) - On page 27 he sums up a few facts: In 1812, the army was assembled on Lake Champlain with the intention of capturing Montreal, and then Quebec. That year, under General Dearborn the army marched as far as Champlain, then turned back and went into winter quarters. In 1813, the army was assembled at Sackett’s Harbour and that year the campaign ended at French Mills which was 70 or 80 miles from Montreal. In 1814, the army at Buffalo were some 400 miles from Montreal with still the same object in view. - He says that these facts make “a riddle – difficult to explain”. (p.27) - On the evening of July 2nd they embarked on the boats with the objective of capturing Fort Erie. The enemy were all made prisoners of war (p.27) - On July 4th they went to Street’s Creek, 2 miles above the Chippewa [Chippawa] River (p.28) - Page 29 is titled The Battle of Chippewa [Chippawa] - He speaks of 2 drummers who were fighting over the possession of a drum when a cannonball came along and took of both of their heads (p.29) - He proclaims that this was one of the “most brilliant battles of the war”. The battle was fought and won in less than an hour after they left their tents. He credits General Scott with this success and states that was due to his rapid orders and movements. (p.30) - The dead of the battle remained on the field during the night. He describes this as quite gloomy seeing friend and foe lying side by side. At daybreak they set to work digging trenches to bury the dead. (p.31) - Colonel Campbell was wounded and advised to have his leg amputated. He refused, and subsequently died. (p.32) - It is said that the British threw several of their dead into the river and they went over the Falls. (p.32) - His troops repaired the bridge over Chippawa which the enemy had partially destroyed and then pursued the British as far as Queenston Heights. (p.32) - On pages 33 and 34 he speaks about meeting an old friend of his, Philip Harter. - The account ends at Queenston Heights

The Washingtonian, 17 May 1813 (vol. 3, no. 148) - Newspaper

Volumes of interest were published between 1812 and 1815 with articles about the War of 1812. Issue for July 12, 1813 includes an account of the capture of the Chesapeake, report of explosion of the schooner Eagle off New London, report Com. Hardy had detained a smack, was determined to destroy all smacks and other small craft he found, reports of recent events at Malden, Fort George, head of the Lake, Sacketts Harbour, two reports of attack on Hampton, report of British attack near point of Nansemond River/Craney Island, second report of battle on/near Craney Island, additional report of attack at Hampton, marine news from Baltimore, report that sickness rampant throughout Army, many deaths reported, report that British were fortifying Brownstown, but deserters from British believe Michigan could be retaken by 3000 troops, report Gen. Boyd remained at Fort George to supervise repair of fortifications, report British reinforced from Kingston in Niagara and in Malden, report Gen. Hampton arrived at Albany on way to Burlington, report Gen. Parker left Albany, headed to Burlington, report of 400 men marching from Greenbush to the frontier, report of battles at Stoney Creek, 40 Mile Creek, report that Gen. Boyd lost an action with British in which 8 to 10 hundred men killed and taken from Americans, reports British had captured stores at Black Rock, Sodus, and Oswego, report of British victory in a battle 5 miles from Queenston, troop strength under Dearborn in Niagara reported between 2 and 3 thousand, additional reports of Battle of Beaverdams, reports Dearborn had resumed command, after lengthy illness, Gen. Boyd remained at Fort George, reports natives had been sieging Fort Wayne.

Letter to William Hamilton Merritt from S.D. Woodruff

Letter which S.D. Woodruff writes to William Hamilton Merritt about the length of the railway from Port Dalhousie to the Great Western Railway. He says that the distance is 6 miles. From Port Dalhousie to St. Catharines there will 4 miles of rail required for a single track, Mar. 13, 1854.

Letter to Louis Cabot from S.D. Woodruff regarding his Point McMillen [McMillan], Michigan shooting shares

Letter to Louis Cabot from S.D. Woodruff regarding his Point McMillen [McMillan], Michigan shooting shares. He says that he has decided to sell and his price is $3,000. He gives directions on how to get to the club which is on the Huron River, 7 miles from Rockwood, Jan. 25, 1886.

Letter - American soldier's account of battles at Chippewa, Lundy's Lane and Fort Erie, 1814

Transcript (original grammar and spelling retained): My dear wife I take this time to inform you that I am well hoping that these few lines will Reach you and find you the same I shall in form you of all our Battles that we have had sence I left home we crossed in to Canada the 2 day of July and took fort Erie on the 3 day of July without loss of one man. We then marched down to Chipway eighteen miles below the Fort Erie we got there on the forth day and had our first battle on the 5 day our loss was not jistly known But the inemy loss was double to ours. The 6 day we started with the 2 Brigade to make a bridge a crost the crick two miles a bove the fort in Building the Bridge the inemy Brought up their Canon and playd upon us with their artiliery a bout two hours We drove them from the fort our loss was none the inemy loss was nineteen ciled dead on the ground we then marched to Queenston when we got thare our inemy had fledfrom the fort we then remained thair to Queenston ten days then we marched down to Fort George But that caurdly Chaney did not a rive with the fleet so we had to return back to Queenston thare was a bout six hundred militia formed on the heights of land thay fired up on us from their pickets and retreated to the mane body our flankers ciled and wounded and took about twenty before they got to the Maine body we then marched up the hill they gave us two firs but did not damage and then retreated from the field we stayed there one knight and then marched to Chipway and stayed there one night and the next day just as the sun set the first Brigade marched up in order to give them Battle a bout two miles from the Crick and began the Battle the 2 Brigade has to March up to the Niagara path and ingaged them we charged up on their artlery and took all their Canon Miller commanded the four companys that charged....the battles lasted three hours and forty minutes our loss was about 8 hundred cild and wounded our inemies loss was a bout fourteen hundred cild and wounded the next morning we Marched up in order to give them Battle a gin but thay was afraid to ingage us we then marched to Fort Erie and went to fortiffing and made a strong place the inemy folered us up and Began to cananade and held it fifty three days thay a tacked the fort the fifteenth of august thay atacked a bout one hiour be fore day Light we saw them and Blue up our maggerzean & two hundred of our inemy our loss wasa bout forty cild and wounded and our inemy loss was a bout one thousand on the 7 Day of September we atacked them and took their batteries and Broke all their canon and drove them from the field our loss was a Bout two hundred cild and wounded our inemy loss was a Bout 8 hundred cild and wounded...we crossed in to Canada with five thousand and came out with fifteen hundred we then Marched to Sackett’s harbor....am well and harty for the present....a bout comming home it uncarting for there is not any....given this winter as yet But I shall try to Come home if I Can But if I Cant I want you should take good car of the Phiddness[?] I have not Received any Money as yet But soon as I do receive some I send some home. I want you should write to me as soon as you receive this and and how Much Stock you wintor I Received your Letter with Great pleasure I feel uneasy a bout you I am a frade that you are sick or dead this is from your husband Chase Clough

Glucose dynamics in rat skeletal muscle : recovery from osmotic stress

The purpose of this study was to examine cell glucose kinetics in rat skeletal muscle during iso-osmotic recovery from hyper- and hypo-osmotic stress. Rat EDL muscles were incubated for sixty minutes in either HYPO (190 mmol/kg), ISO (290 mmol/kg), or HYPER (400 mmol/kg) media (Sigma medium-199, 8 mM glucose) according to an established in vitro whole muscle model. In addition to sixty minute baseline measures in aniso-osmotic conditions, (HYPO-0 n=8; ISO- 0, n=S; HYPER-0, n=8), muscles were subjected to either one minute (HYPO-1 n=8; ISO-1, n=8; HYPER-1, n=8) or five minutes (HYPO-5 n=8; ISO-5, n=8; HYPER-5, n=8) of iso-osmotic recovery media and analyzed for metabolite content and glycogen synthase percent activation. To determine glucose uptake during iso-osmotic recovery, muscles (n=6 per group) were incubated for sixty minutes in either hypo-, iso-, or hyper-osmotic media immediately followed by five minutes of iso-osmotic media containing 3H-glucose and 14 C-mannitol. Increased relative water content/decreased [glucose] (observed in HYPO-0) and decreased water content/increased [glucose] (observed in HYPER-0) returned to ISO levels within 5 minutes of recovery. Glycogen synthase percent activation increased significantly in HYPO-5 over iso-osmotic controls. Glucose uptake measurements revealed no significant differences between groups. It was determined that [glucose] and muscle water content rapidly recovered from osmotic stress demonstrating skeletal muscle's resilience to osmotic stress.

X-ray diffraction from Al powder using energy dispersive technique

Using the energy dispersive x ...ray diffraction (EDXD) technique, the room temperature diffraction pattern of Al powder was obtained at diffraction angles ~ 30° and 50°. From the small angle diffraction pattern the average relative intensities (IR) of the (111), (200), and (220) lines were measured to be equal to 100, 62, and 32 respectively. From the large diffraction angle IR for the (220), (311+222), (400), (331+420), and (422) lines were measured to be 100,201,17,90, and 19.5 respectively. The diffraction pattern at those two angles were obtained at several higher temperatures to measure the change in the intensities of the Al lines. From the intensity changes the increase of the Debye- Waller temperature factor, i.e ~B(T), with respect to the value at room temperature was determined to be 0.6+0.1 at 250°C, 1.10+0.15 at 350°C, 1.45+0.20 at 450°C, and 2.20±0.35 at 550°C.

Letter from George Cran regarding a Christian mission in India, 1803.

George Cran was the son of a farmer in the parish of Forgue in Aberdeen Shire, Scotland. He became a member of the church at Huntley, Scotland where his devotion to God inspired him to become a Sunday school teacher. He subsequently became a member of the London Missionary Society. In 1801 he was sent to study at the seminary in Gosport, England where he spent two to three years. His desire was to preach Christ to the “heathens”. Messrs. Ringeltaube, Des Granges and Cran were designated to work in India. No ships for the East India Company would grant passage to missionaries due to the open hostility of the government therefore they set sail from Copenhagen on April 20, 1804 and reached Tranquebar on December 5th, 1805. Cran and Des Granges were designated to supervise the churches in Tinnevelly and they were to begin a mission among the northern Circars. This would have meant that they would have to work in two different places which would have separated them by over 500 miles. The society didn’t seem to be aware of the vast hindrances that the missionaries had to face. Cran and Des Granges decided instead to work in Vizagapatam where they were welcomed by many of the European residents. They conducted English services for which they were paid a monthly salary by the governor. They also conducted services for the natives and opened a school for native children. By November of 1806 a mission house had been built and a “charity” school for Eurasian children was opened. Cran and Des Granges were also diligently studying the native language and they began to translate the Bible into Telugu (spoken by the Hindus who live along the lower basins of the Kistna and Godaveri Rivers). In November of 1808 Cran was almost killed by a fever which left him severely weakened. He was only partially recovered, but accepted an invitation by the general who commanded the local district to accompany him on a journey around the province. The journey proved to be too much for Cran and he died on January 6th, 1809. He is buried at Chicacole, India. He is remembered for his successful work at Vizagapatam and his translation of the Bible. The fact that it was 27 years after the arrival of Cran before a single native was converted attests to the fact that this was a very difficult undertaking. The London Missionary Society was formed in 1795 in England by evangelical Anglicans and nonconformists. It is a non-denominational society and now forms part of the Council for World Mission. with information from The Voice of God to the Churches a Sermon on the Death of George Cran, Augustus Des Granges and Jonathan Brain by David Bogue and The History of the London Missionary Society 1795-1895 by Richard Lovett

Letter from J.E.A. Masters to Josiah Masters, November 11, 1812

Transcription: Encampment Plattsburgh My Dear Uncle Nov. 11th 1812 We are making every possible preparation to invade Canada. I have no doubt but we march in six days. From the best information I can get it is not contemplated to attack the Isle aux Noix – We shall take into the field 2500 infantry between 3 & 4 hundred cavalry 25 light artillery & 150 artillerists; of the malitia I have no accurate knowledge there is more than 1000 of them, the number of regular troops is mentioned you may rely on as being nearly correct I cannot state to a man as I have not had an opportunity of being the consolidated returns of the different corps. It is said that a [corps formed?] of volunteers are to join us from Vermont. I think it doubtful I believe that we shall have no great difficulty in going to Montreal as to the ultimate policy of the [act it is?] not my duty to judge. Confidential our troops are raw particularly in loading and firing they are much deficient. The 6th and 15th will be able to act with some considerable ... of precision and accuracy the remaining infantry—badly disciplined. Should any thing [occur?] with me my fate be unfortunate the [little?] property willed me by my grandfather will secure you the amount I owe you. General Dearborn I understand is at Burlington on his way here. Some of the prisoners that were taken at Queenstown have [arrived?] at Montreal probably. [Ensign Rich?] is among them. Several officers here became acquainted with him soon after he received his [two illegible words] & speak highly of him. [Always?] affectionately yours J. E. A. Masters P.S. I shall write you again before we march excuse this [scrawl?] my hand are too cold to write a fair hand we shall have here near [400?] sick that are not able to march J. E. A. Masters The [Hon.?] Josiah Masters [Schaghticoke?] N.Y. N. B. Nov. 13th We have orders to be prepared to march on the 15th at 12 oclock. Our baggage will be contained as much as possible. The officers carry no baggage except what they carry in their knapsacks. I am in fine health and am able [Hand?] most any [illegible word] My love to all affectionately Your nephew J. E. A. Masters