Cultural differences affecting claim handling process and perceived quality in Finnish-Japanese paperboardbusiness

Tutkimuksen tavoitteena oli selvittää Suomen ja Japanin välisten kulttuurierojen vaikutus valitustenkäsittelyprosessiin ja laatukäsityksiin case-yrityksen ja sen asiakkaiden välillä. Teoreettisen viitekehyksen muodostamisessa käytettiin näkemyksiä kulttuurista, kulttuurienvälisestä viestinnästä, valitustenkäsittelystä ja laatukäsityksistä. Kulttuurierojen tarkastelemiseksi esiteltiin kulttuurien ulottuvuuksia eritteleviä viitekehyksiä ja kulturaalisten tekijöiden vaikutusta viestintään. Suomen ja Japanin kulttuureja esiteltiin myös yksityiskohtaisemmin aikaisempien tutkimusten valossa. Työn empiirisessä osassa tutkittiin case-yrityksen sisäisiä sekä yrityksen ja sen asiakkaiden välisiä näkemyseroja. Tutkimus suoritettiin laadullisena case-tutkimuksena, jossa tarkasteltiin myös toimenpiteitä case-yrityksen liiketoimintaympäristön parantamiseksi. Tarvittava tieto kerättiin kirjallisuudesta, artikkeleista, taustahaastatteluilla sekä haastattelemalla yrityksen henkilöstöä Suomessa ja Japanissa samoin kuin sen japanilaisia asiakkaita. Japanilaiset asiakas/toimittaja-suhteet ovat ulkomaalaiselle yritykselle haastava liiketoimintaympäristö. Luottamuksen rakentaminen pitkällä tähtäimellä vaatii läheistä kommunikointia vastapuolen tuntemiseksi, jotta voidaan kehittää tuotteita paremmiksi ja vähentää valituskustannuksia. Laatuajattelua tulee myös yhdenmukaistaa tuotteiden ja palvelujen laadun parantamiseksi.

A Bridge Builder or a Raconteur? How Japan Manoeuvres the Global Development Discourse within the TICAD Process

Japan has been a major actor in the field of development cooperation for five decades, even holding the title of largest donor of Official Development Assistance (ODA) during the 1990s. Financial flows, however, are subject to pre-existing paradigms that dictate both donor and recipient behaviour. In this respect Japan has been left wanting for more recognition. The dominance of the so called ‘Washington Consensus’ embodied in the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank has long circumvented any indigenous approaches to development problems. The Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD) is a development cooperation conference that Japan has hosted since 1993 every five years. As the main organizer of the conference Japan has opted for the leading position of African development. This has come in the wake of success in the Asian region where Japan has called attention to its role in the so called ‘Asian Miracle’ of fast growing economies. These aspirations have enabled Japan to try asserting itself as a major player in directing the course of global development discourse using historical narratives from both Asia and Africa. Over the years TICAD has evolved into a continuous process with ministerial and follow-up meetings in between conferences. Each conference has produced a declaration that stipulates the way the participants approach the question of African development. Although a multilateral framework, Japan has over the years made its presence more and more felt within the process. This research examines the way Japan approaches the paradigms of international development cooperation and tries to direct them in the context of the TICAD process. Supplementing these questions are inquiries concerning Japan’s foreign policy aspirations. The research shows that Japan has utilized the conference platform to contest other development actors and especially the dominant forces of the IMF and the World Bank in development discourse debate. Japan’s dominance of the process is evident in the narratives found in the conference documents. Relative success has come about by remaining consistent as shown by the acceptance of items from the TICAD agenda in other forums, such as the G8. But the emergence of new players such as China has changed the playing field, as they are engaging other developing countries from a more equal level.

Iran's domestic and foreign policies

Iran has a reputation of being a problematic country. Right now, it is proceeding with its nuclear program despite the opposition of the West and neighboring countries and the massive sanctions inflicted upon it. The country is also struggling with domestic issues. Half of Iran’s population belongs to different ethnic or religious minorities. They have poor rights to express their culture in the country, which is a cause of dissatisfaction among non-Shiite and non-Persian citizens. After the Arab Spring, the situation in Iran is getting more topical than ever. In the Syrian conflict, the Shiite Iran is constantly giving support to al-Assad’s regime. These are all factors that have aggravated the already irritated relations between Iran and the West.

A year after Crimea: continuity and change of Finnish-Russian relations reflected in the views of the government officials of Finland and Russia

This thesis discusses the dynamism of bilateral relations between Finland and Russia and their interconnection with wider EU-Russia relations in the sight of the recent conflict in Ukraine. In particular, incorporation of Crimea in the territory of Russia in March 2014 is believed to have triggered a series of disputes between the European Union and Russia and thus, have impacted the course of the bilateral Finnish-Russian relations. The study leans on a premise that there are some historical traditions and regularities in the Finnish foreign policy course towards Russia which make the bilateral Finnish-Russian relations special. These traditions are distinguished and described in the book “Russia Forever? Towards Pragmatism in Finnish/Russian relations” (2008) edited by H. Rytövuori-Apunen. Assuming that the featured traditions take place in modern relations between Finland and Russia, the aim of the thesis is to find out how these traditions reappear during the year shaped by the events in Ukraine. In order to do that, author follows the timeline of happenings around the Ukraine crisis starting with Crimea’s referendum on independence, and exams the way these events were commented on and evaluated by the key government officials and political institutions of Finland and Russia. The main focus is given to the Finnish official discourse on Russia during the study period. The data collection, consisting of mostly primary sources (ministerial press releases and comments, statements, speeches and blog posts of individual policy makers) is processed using the thematic analysis supported by the content analysis. The study reveals that the consequences of the Ukraine crisis have brought, among others, complications to the economic cooperation between Finland and Russia, and have stimulated the increased attention of the Finnish decision makers to the country’s security questions. As a result, the character and importance of some historical regularities of the Finnish foreign policies on Russia, like the Continental Dilemma, have taken new shape.