Civilian-military cooperation in crisis management operations

Finnish Defence Studies is published under the auspices of the National Defence College, and the contributions reflect the fields of research and teaching of the College. Finnish Defence Studies will occasionally feature documentation on Finnish Security Policy. Views expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily imply endorsement by the National Defence College.

Political Legitimacy and Ethnocultural Justice. Essays on Public Reason, Democratic Citizenship, and the Rights of Cultural Minorities

In this thesis, I argue that there are public cultural reasons that can underpin public justifications of minority rights of indigenous and national minorities in a constitutionaldemocracy. I do so by tackling diverse issues facing a liberal theory of multiculturalism. In the first essay, I criticize Will Kymlicka’s comprehensive liberal theory of minority rights and propose a political liberal alternative. The main problem of Will Kymlicka’s theory is that it builds on the contestable liberal value of individual autonomy and thus fails to take diversity seriously. In the second essay, I elaborate on the Rawlsian political liberalism assumed here by criticizing Chandran Kukathas’s version of political liberalism as overly accommodating to diversity. In the third essay, I discuss questions of method that arise for a political liberal approach to the moral-political foundations of multiculturalism, and propose a certain understanding of the political liberal enterprise and its crucial standard of reasonableness. In the fourth essay, I dwell on the political liberal ethic of citizenship and propose a strongly inclusionist interpretation of the duty of civility. In the fifth and last essay, I introduce a certain understanding of ethnocultural justice and propose a view on certain cultural reasons as public cultural reasons. Cultural reasons are public when they are based on necessarily established cultural marks of a democratic polity, as specified by the cultural establishment view; and when they are crucial for the societal cultural bases of self-respect of citizens. The arguments in this thesis support, and help to spell out, moral-political rights of indigenous and national minorities as formulated in international legal documents, such as the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (United Nations 2007) or the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (United Nations 1966).

A year after Crimea: continuity and change of Finnish-Russian relations reflected in the views of the government officials of Finland and Russia

This thesis discusses the dynamism of bilateral relations between Finland and Russia and their interconnection with wider EU-Russia relations in the sight of the recent conflict in Ukraine. In particular, incorporation of Crimea in the territory of Russia in March 2014 is believed to have triggered a series of disputes between the European Union and Russia and thus, have impacted the course of the bilateral Finnish-Russian relations. The study leans on a premise that there are some historical traditions and regularities in the Finnish foreign policy course towards Russia which make the bilateral Finnish-Russian relations special. These traditions are distinguished and described in the book “Russia Forever? Towards Pragmatism in Finnish/Russian relations” (2008) edited by H. Rytövuori-Apunen. Assuming that the featured traditions take place in modern relations between Finland and Russia, the aim of the thesis is to find out how these traditions reappear during the year shaped by the events in Ukraine. In order to do that, author follows the timeline of happenings around the Ukraine crisis starting with Crimea’s referendum on independence, and exams the way these events were commented on and evaluated by the key government officials and political institutions of Finland and Russia. The main focus is given to the Finnish official discourse on Russia during the study period. The data collection, consisting of mostly primary sources (ministerial press releases and comments, statements, speeches and blog posts of individual policy makers) is processed using the thematic analysis supported by the content analysis. The study reveals that the consequences of the Ukraine crisis have brought, among others, complications to the economic cooperation between Finland and Russia, and have stimulated the increased attention of the Finnish decision makers to the country’s security questions. As a result, the character and importance of some historical regularities of the Finnish foreign policies on Russia, like the Continental Dilemma, have taken new shape.

Liikeriskit ja riskinhallinta Ukrainan kriisissä vuonna 2014 – Tapaustutkimus eräästä suomalaisesta yrityksestä

Tutkimuksen tarkoitus on analysoida suomalaisen yrityksen vuonna 2014 kohtaamia riskejä Ukrainassa sekä tutkia sitä, miten niitä hallitaan ja miten ne vaikuttivat yrityksen liiketoimintaan. Ukraina ei ole merkittävä kauppakumppani Suomelle, mutta silti monet suomalaiset yritykset toimivat maassa ja vuoden 2014 kriisin jälkeen maahan on tullut uusia suomalaisia yrityksiä. Ukraina on kooltaan merkittävä markkina-alue, ja sen merkitys saattaa kasvaa kun se on aloittanut siirtymisen kohti EU:ta. Tutkimuksen tarkoituksena on tutkia millaisia riskejä Ukrainan liiketoimintaympäristössä esiintyi vuonna 2014 ja kuinka tutkittu yritys on hallinnut niitä. Tutkimusta varten on suoritettu laadullinen tapaustutkimus, jonka aineisto kerättiin teemahaastatteluiden sekä sähköpostivaihdon avulla. Tämän lisäksi on perehdytty aihetta käsitteleviin journaaleihin, aikakausilehtiin sekä Internet-sivustoihin relevantin ja monipuolisen tiedon hankkimista varten. Teoriapohjana on tutkimuksessa käytetty riskin määritelmää sekä COSO:n kokonaisvaltaista riskinhallintamallia. Tutkimuksessa tehtyjen havaintojen perusteella voidaan todeta, että tutkitun yrityksen riskinhallintatoimenpiteet eivät eronneet merkittävästi COSO:n mallissa esitetyistä, muutamaa poikkeusta lukuun ottamatta. Tutkittaessa suomalaisen yrityksen kohtaamia riskejä Ukrainassa vuonna 2014 huomattiin, että riskit jakautuvat viiteen eri kategoriaan: sosiaalisiin riskeihin, teknisiin riskeihin, henkilöstö riskeihin, poliittisiin riskeihin ja taloudellisiin riskeihin. Tutkimustuloksista huomattiin että yritys vastasi kolmeen eri riskikategoriaan poikkeavalla tavalla verrattuna malliin. Sosiaalisten-, teknisten- ja henkilöstö riskien osalta toimenpiteet erosivat mallissa esitetyistä. Yritys vastasi sosiaalisista riskeistä johtuviin boikotteihin vähentämällä niitä uudelleen brändäämällä tuotteitaan. Teknisiä riskejä hallittiin muuttamalla tuotteita ja tuotantoa uuteen toimintaympäristöön sopiviksi. Henkilöstöriskejä vältettiin olemalla käyttämättä tiettyyn etniseen ryhmään kuuluvia henkilöitä. Tutkimuksessa ilmenneitä riskinhallintakeinoja, jotka poikkesivat COSO:n mallista, ei tullut esille aikaisemmissa akateemisissa tutkimuksissa

POLITICAL RISK IN FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT IN THE RUSSIAN ELECTRIC POWER SECTOR

Russia approved ambitious reform plan for the electricity sector in 2001 including privatisation of the country’s huge thermal generation assets. So far the sector had suffered from power shortages, aging infrastructure, substantial electricity losses, and weak productivity and profitability numbers. There was obvious need for foreign investments and technologies. The reform was rather successful; the generation assets were privatised in auctions in 2007-2008 and three European energy companies, E.On, Enel and Fortum, invested in and obtained together over 10% of the Russian production assets. The novelty of these foreign investments serves unique object for the study. The political risk is involved in the FDI due to the industry’s social and economic importance. The research’s objective was to identify and analyse the political risk that foreign investors face in the Russian electricity sector. The research had qualitative study method and the empirical data was collected by interviewing. The research’s theoretical framework was based on the existing political risk theories and it focused to understand the Russian government in relation to the country’s stability and define both macro-level and micro-level sources of political risk for the foreign direct investments in the sector. The research concludes that the centralised and obscure political decision-making, economic constriction, high level of governmental control in economy and corruption form the country’s internal macro-level risk sources for the foreign investors in the sector. Additionally the retribution due to the companies’ home country actions, possible violent confrontations at the Russian borders and the currency instability are externally originated risk sources. In the electricity industry there is risk of tightened governmental control and increased regulation and taxation. Similarly the company-level risk sources link to the unreformed heating sector, bargaining with the authorities, diplomatic stress between host and home countries and to companies and government’s divergent perspective for the profit-making. The research stresses the foreign companies’ ability to cope with the characteristics of Russian political environment. In addition to frequent political and market risk assessment, the companies need to focus on currency protection against rouble’s rate fluctuation and actively build good company-citizenship in the country. Good relationship is needed with the Russian political authorities. The political risk identification and the research’s conclusive framework also enable political risk study assessments for other industries in Russia

Suomen laskusuhdanteiden vertailu: 1990-luvun laman ja 2000-luvun globaalin finanssikriisin vaikutukset kuluttajille

Suomessa merkittävimpiä talouden laskusuhdanteita ja talouskriisejä ovat sotien jälkeen olleet 1990-luvun alun lama sekä vuonna 2008 alkanut finanssikriisin jälkeinen taantuma. Näillä kahdella ilmiöllä on ollut laajalti vaikutuksia koko kansantalouteemme, ja luonnollisesti suomalaisten kuluttajien taloudellinen hyvinvointi on muuttunut ilmiöiden myötä. Yksilöiden aiempaa huonompi taloudellinen hyvinvointi laskusuhdanteissa aiheutuu laskeneista tuloista, työttömyydestä ja varallisuushintojen laskusta sekä edellä mainittujen seurauksista. Tämän tutkielman tavoitteena on analysoida ja vertailla 1990-luvun laman ja 2000-luvun globaalin finanssikriisin aiheuttamia taloudellisia vaikutuksia suomalaisille kuluttajille. Lisäksi tarkoituksena on selvittää, minkä eri tekijöiden kautta laskusuhdanteet vaikuttavat kuluttajiin ja miksi. Tutkielman empiirisessä osiossa käytetään pääasiassa Tilastokeskuksen tuottamaa kvantitatiivista materiaalia sekä analyysin rikastamiseksi erilaisia kvalitatiivisia tutkimustuloksia aiheesta. Tutkielman lopputuloksena voidaan todeta 1990-luvun laman vaikuttaneen suomalaisiin kuluttajiin voimakkaammin ja pitkäkestoisemmin kuin finanssikriisin aiheuttaman taantuman. Laman vaikutukset kestivät useita vuosia, ja palautuminen oli hidasta. Erityisen suureksi ongelmaksi nousi työttömyyden voimakas kasvu. Finanssikriisin myötä työttömyys reagoi bruttokansantuotteen laskuun nähden sen sijaan maltillisesti, eivätkä esimerkiksi kotitalouksien tulot laskeneet samalla tavalla kuin laman aikana. Lisäksi merkittävässä osassa 1990-luvun lamaa oli asuntomarkkinoiden hintakupla ja sen puhkeaminen, jolla oli voimakas vaikutus reaalitalouteen. Laskukausien toisistaan poikkeavat vaikutukset johtuvat pitkälti niiden syntyyn johtaneiden syiden eroista sekä valtion talouspoliittisista toimista laskukausien helpottamiseksi. Siinä missä 1990-luvun lama johtui pääasiassa Suomen sisäisistä poliittisista päätöksistä ja pankkisektorista, oli finanssikriisi Suomen ulkopuolinen globaalin rahoitusmarkkinoiden häiriö.

Impact of Product-harm Crisis on Brand Equity: the Moderating Role of Corporate Social Performance

There is an increasing amount of product-harm crisis in the past few years; and the impact of a product-harm crisis becomes more and more influential due to the high increasing speed of globalization. And it is believed that the negative damages to a firm leading to a loss of the intangible assets is bigger than other costs such as the cost of the product recall. Brand equity is a very important and valuable intangible asset for a firm; and it is particularly vulnerable during the crisis. And CSP (CSP) is a hot concept associated with product-harm crisis and brand equity. The aim of this study is to understand how product-harm crisis influences by simultaneously involving CSP as a moderator in a consumer-based level. An experimental study was conducted through an online questionnaire among 198 students in Finland. The questionnaire mainly assessed the consumers’ attitudes towards CSP and brand before/after a fictional product-harm crisis. The results shows that the brand equity was negatively related to the product-harm crisis. And the extent level of crisis’s severity was positively related to the loss of the brand equity; whereas, acknowledged blame was more useful to compensate the loss of brand equity in the low-severity crisis. CSP acted as a moderator role which could compensate the loss of brand equity caused by the product-harm crisis. Managerial implications are also offered for crisis managers, brand managers, and CSR managers.

Understanding round-tripping phenomenon in Russian context – case Cyprus

Russian FDI has a few peculiarities. One of them is round-tripping. Round-tripping is defined as transfer of funds abroad, usually to offshore financial centers (OFCs), and then bringing all or some of the investment back as foreign investment. Russian context was chosen for this study because the share of round-tripping investments from country’s total FDI is extensive. However, it needs to be addressed that this is not just a Russian phenomenon. Round-tripping is used by many developed and developing countries, and most of the countries have their own designated destinations for this kind of capital, much like Cyprus is the main destination for Russian capital. It is important to study this phenomenon further, since it falsifies FDI statistics and can lead to poor decisions on state level. Theoretical part of the study tries to determine weather traditional FDI and internationalization theories fit to explain the Russian round-tripping phenomenon. Traditional FDI and internationalization theories are first introduced in general terms, and then further examined in Russian context. In traditional endogenic FDI theories, when the capital is formed in one country it goes abroad to find better profits. At a first glance, this seemed not to be the case in round-tripping. However, during the study it became rather clear that with few adjustments and changes in perspective, traditional theories could be used to explain round-tripping phenomenon. For example, OLI paradigm can be further developed into OLIH paradigm with ‘H’ representing the important home country institutions. Transaction based view and resource seeking theories were also seen well equipped to explain round-tripping with a change in perspective. The latter part of the study focused on holistic understanding of Russian –Cyprian investment relationship. Study aims to shed light into the determinants and consequences of this phenomenon for both countries involved. The two share historical, cultural and political ties, but most importantly common financial interests. Russian companies seek security and financial knowledge to maneuver their assets and Cyprian economy largely is dependent on their disproportionally large financial sector. Consequences for Cyprian economy were seen in current economic crisis, when the need for their financial services diminished. Russian government on the other hand is losing vast amounts of tax money due to this phenomenon. A rather extreme view was also introduced in this study. Round-tripping phenomenon and OFCs are an important reason why corruption exists, since if one does not have a way to make ill-gained money legitimate why try to ill-gain the money at the first place. The most important finding of the study is that round-tripping companies are in a better competitive position than genuine and purely domestic investor due to their institutional knowledge.

POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT AND BUSINESS DEVELOPMENT IN THE ARCTIC Strategic opportunities and threats for Finnish companies

The Arctic environment is changing constantly. There are several factors that constitute to the rate and immensity of the development. The region differs from the surrounding markets that most of the countries in the region have been used to. Therefore the purpose of the study was to understand how the political environment affects Finnish companies’ strategies and business operations. The issues analyzed were the political environment in the region, the business environment and economic development, and the opportunities and threats that the Finnish companies have in Arctic. The main theories were found from strategic management and market analysis tools. The different theories and definitions were gone through in order to understand the context of the study. This is a qualitative study that uses content analysis as its main method of analyzing the data. Therefore the data analyzed was gathered from already existing material and it was analyzed until the saturation point was found. This was done in order to minimize the risks related to using secondary data. The data collected was then categorized into themes accordingly. First the general political environment in the Arctic was studied, especially the Arctic Council and its work as the main political entity. From there the focus shifted to the business environment and the general opportunities and threats that are found from Arctic economic development. China offered another point of view to this as it represented a non-Arctic state with a keen interest on the region. Lastly the two previous objectives were combined and looked through from a Finnish perspective. Finnish companies have a great starting point to Arctic business and the operational business environment gives them the framework with which they have to operate in. As a conclusion it can be said that there are three main factors leading the Arctic economic development; the climate change, the development of technology, and the political environment. These set the framework with which the companies operating in the region must comply with. The industry that is likely to lead the development is the marine industry. Furthermore it became evident that the Finnish companies operating in the Arctic face many opportunities as well as threats which can be utilized, taken advantage of or controlled through effective strategic management. The key characteristics needed in the region are openness and understanding of the challenging environment and the ability to face and manage the arising challenges.