34 resultados para Utopia liberal
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Tutkimuksen tavoitteenaoli analysoida uuden osakeyhtiölain vaikutuksia osakeyhtiön pääomarakenteeseen ja varojenjakoon verotukselliset kysymykset huomioiden. Tavoitteena oli tutkia, millaisia uusia mahdollisuuksia uusi osakeyhtiölaki tarjoaa oman pääoman rakenteen järjestämiseen ja varojen jakamiseen. Tarkastelun pääpaino oli pienissä, ei noteeratuissa yhtiöissä, joiden osakkeenomistajilla on paremmat mahdollisuudet hyödyntää uuden osakeyhtiölain tarjoamia aiempaa liberaalimpia mahdollisuuksia. Tutkimusmenetelmä oli kvalitatiivinen ja tutkimusta varten haastateltiin KHT-tilintarkastajaa, omistajayrittäjää, sekä osakeyhtiölain ja verotuksen asiantuntijoita. Tutkimuksen mukaan uuden osakeyhtiölain mahdollistamista aiempaa liberaalimmista menettelyistä uusi sijoitetun vapaan oman pääoman rahastoon merkittävin, mutta sen käytettävyys riippuu vielä avoimista verokysymyksistä. Uusi maksukykyisyystesti ja negatiivisen oman pääoman rekisteröintivelvollisuus aiheuttavat haasteita erityisesti pienille yhtiöille. Uusi osakeyhtiölaki on erittäin liberaali ja moderni, mutta sen merkitys riippuu viime kädessä vielä avoimista verokysymyksistä.
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Tämän opinnäytetyön lähtökohtana on ollut musiikinopetuksen kehittämis- ja opetussuunnitelman puuttuminen Seinäjoen Kansalaisopistosta. Työn alkuosassa käydään läpi pääpiirteittäin vapaan sivistystyön historia ja Laki vapaasta sivistystyöstä. Seinäjoen Kansalaisopiston musiikin opetusta tarkastellaan elinikäisen oppimisen, eettisyyden ja indoktrinaation näkökulmista. Musiikin opetus- ja oppimiskäsitykset sekä opettajan kompetenssi ovat myös keskeisiä asioita kehitettäessä Seinäjoen Kansalaisopiston musiikin opetusta. Seinäjoen Kansalaisopistossa musiikkiaineissa opiskeli lukuvuonna 2006-2007 yli 800 opiskelijaa. Solistista opetusta annettiin pianossa, laulussa, viulussa ja huilussa. Ryhmäopetusta annettiin harmonikan ja pelimanniharmonikan soitossa, kitaran soitossa, rummuissa, viulun soitossa, kuorolaulussa sekä vauva-äiti/vanhempi - ja erityismusiikkiryhmille (erityislapset, ikäihmiset, erityisaikuiset), kansanmusiikki- ja pelimanniyhtyeille. Seinäjoen Kansalaisopistossa musiikin kehittämis- ja opetussuunnitelmaa varten tehtiin kaksi kyselytutkimusta: erikseen musiikin opiskelijoille ja musiikin opettajille. Niissä selvitettiin opiskelijoiden ja opettajien toiveita ja tarpeita kansalaisopiston musiikin opetuksessa. Tutkimus on määrällinen, ja tulokset antoivat Seinäjoen kansalaisopiston musiikin opetuksen kehittämiselle tietoa, jonka pohjalta opetussuunnitelma on mahdollista laatia. Opettajille suunnattu kysely tuotti keskeisiä tuloksia: kansalaisopiston hallinnolliset palvelut opettajille koettiin tasokkaiksi, mutta opetustuntien toivottiin olevan pidempiä; lisäksi täydennyskoulutustarvetta oli yli puolella vastanneista. Hyvän opettajuuden tärkeimmiksi elementeiksi opettajat kokivat kannustavuuden, hyvät vuorovaikutustaidot, ohjaavan ja rakentavan suhtautumisen sekä hyvän tilannetajun. Opiskelijoille suunnattu kysely osoitti, että heidän mielestään opetus on tasokasta ja opettajat ammattitaitoisia sekä innostavia. Opiskelijat kokivat solististen aineiden oppitunnit liian lyhyiksi. Opiskelun kannustimiksi opiskelijat totesivat musiikista saadun ilon, itsensä kehittämisen ja uuden oppimisen halun sekä musiikin sopivuuden vapaa-ajan harrastukseksi. Musiikkikurssien yleisarvio oli hyvä, hinta-laatu-suhde erinomainen ja opiskelijat kokivat saavansa myös tarpeeksi palautetta. Opetussuunnitelma voi palvella musiikinopettajia opetuksen kehittämisessä, suunnittelussa ja toteuttamisessa ilman, että sen tarvitsee viedä opettajien itsenäisyyttä. Opiskelijoita halutaan tukea musiikin opiskelussa siten, että heille luodaan hyvä oppimisympäristö ja tarvittaessa heille laaditaan henkilökohtainen opetussuunnitelma yhteistyössä opettajan kanssa. Seinäjoen Kansalaisopisto pyrkii tulevaisuudessa tarjoamaan aiempaa paremmin kysyntää vastaavaa musiikinopetusta niin aikuisille harrastajille kuin myös nuorille ja lapsille.
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Artikkelissa arvioidaan kolmea yliopistomallia: humboldtilaista, liberal education -mallia ja multidiversity -mallia.
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Kritikern och författaren Hagar Olsson (1893-1978) är en central gestalt inom den finlandssvenska modernismen. Särskilt under 1920- och 30-talet hade hon en stor betydelse för den finländska och svenska kulturpolitiken. Även om Olsson måste räknas till de kanoniserade författarna och även om litteraturhistorikerna är överens om hennes betydelse för den svenskspråkiga litteraturen är hennes verk inte särskilt bekanta eller utforskade. I min studie visar jag att Olsson hade en etisk och estetisk revolution i tankarna, en \"realism för utopister\". Olsson förflyttar utopin från en fjärran ö till människans inre. Alla kan påbörja resan med konst och litteratur som kompass. Först när människan närmar sig den inre utopin blir en bättre värld möjlig. Olssons läsare får själv bestämma hur den här världen ska se ut. Bara ett mål är entydigt formulerat: En värld i fred där varken människan eller naturen exploateras. En litteratur som kan tjäna som kompass till utopia betecknar Olsson som \"nyrealsitisk\". Jag presenterar den här nyrealismen som en litterär strategi som är avgörande för Olssons författarskap mellan ca 1920-1950. Med hänsyn till den historiska kontexten analyserar jag ett stort antal recensioner, kulturkritiska essäer, opublicerade manuskript, romaner och skådespel. Den tyske filosofen Ernst Blochs skrifter om det utopiska använder jag bland några ytterligare äldre och yngre bidrag till utopiforskningen som filosofisk-teoretiska utgångspunkter. Utgående från primärmaterialet valde jag fyra tematiska tyngdpunkter: utopi och estetik, utopi och politik, utopi och ungdom samt utopi och kön. Jag visar inte bara hur den nyrealistiska litteraturen enligt Olsson borde se ut och fungera utan jag presenterar också Olssons inre utopi och diskuterar hur den här utopin i högsta grad är politisk. I det här sammanhanget beaktas den politiska, litterära och samhälleliga utvecklingen i Finland, Sverige, Tyskland och Ryssland under mellankrigstiden och andra världskriget fram till 1950.
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Kirjallisuusarvostelu
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Kollokvion teema: "Balkan Peace: Trauma and Utopia".
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In my doctoral thesis I evaluate strategies designed to cope with the multicultural nature of four European nations: Great Britain, The Netherlands, Sweden, and Denmark. I also analyse and clarify the question of the place of religion in present-day Europe. The empirical material analysed in the study consists of politicians’ statements and policy documents dealing with immigration policy and religious and values education in the four countries. In addition, I analyse statements issued by the Council of Europe regarding religious education, along with all cases relevant to religious education brought before the United Nations Human Rights Committee or the European Court of Human Rights. The theoretical framework is formed by the scholarly debate – among philosophers, sociologists and scholars of religion in education – concerning the question of a just society. Special emphasis is given to philosophical theories that are in favour of granting special group rights to religious minorities in the name of equal treatment. With regard to the question of the appropriate place of religion, I apply Kim Knott’s methodological model for locating religion in secular contexts, and Émile Durkheim’s theory as to the significance of religion and collective sentiments in uniting adherents or members of a group into a single moral community. The study shows that even when the positive side of immigration, as a potential force for the enrichment of the public culture, is acknowledged, there is anxiety as to the successful integration of immigrants. The premises and goals of immigration policies have also been questioned. One central problem is the incommensurability between the values upheld by Western liberal democracies and certain religious traditions, above all those of Islam. Great Britain, The Netherlands, Sweden, and Denmark have tightened control over their citizens’ ethical attitudes and want to regulate these as well. In coping with cultural diversity, the significance of education, especially religious education, plays a significant role; as future citizens, pupils are expected to internalise the society’s core values as well as gaining an understanding of different cultures and ways of life. It is also worth noting that both the Council of Europe and the European Court of Human Rights have recently expressed the view that one important goal of religious education is to enable pupils to be critical and autonomous with regard to different religions and moral positions. The study shows that religion is not seen as purely a personal matter. Religion is closely linked to individual and national identity, and religious traditions thus have a place in the public domain. It should be noted, however, that a religious tradition – more precisely, an interpretation of religious tradition – qualifies as a legitimate partner in the democratic decision-making process only if it shares similar values with Western European nations.
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Kirjallisuusarvostelu
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Jag har studerat varför en grupp bönder i Svenskösterbotten valde att sympatisera med Lapporörelsen sommaren 1930. Tidigare forskning har främst fokuserat på antikommunismen som den huvudsakliga orsaken till att folk valde att ta ställning för Lapporörelsen. Jag har dock sökt kompletterande förklaringar utöver antikommunismen till att svenskösterbottniska bönder visade sympatier för Lapporörelsen genom att delta i bondetåget och förorda så kallade fosterländska valförbund inför riksdagsvalet 1930. Hela Svenskösterbotten utgör den region som studeras, men i studien gör jag mikrohistoriska djupdykningar i kommunerna Närpes och Korsholm för att belysa vilka lokala faktorer som inverkade på en persons inställning till Lapporörelsen. Kommunismen hade få anhängare på den svenskösterbottniska landsbygden där över 90 procent av väljarna röstade på Svenska Folkpartiet (SFP). Eftersom det saknades en organiserad arbetarrörelse blev ett ställningstagande för Lapporörelsen istället en konservativ reaktion mot andra nya religiösa och politiska organisationer som uppfattades som oppositionella och som i avsaknad av kommunister fick symbolisera omoralen i samhället. Sådana rörelser var Fredsrörelsen och frikyrkorna och på orter där dessa fanns var ett ställningstagande för Lapporörelsen till en del en konservativ reaktion mot dessa. Den lappovänliga front som uppstod i Svenskösterbotten skapades bland bönderna inom Bondeförbundet, som var en konservativ högerfraktion inom SFP. Det främsta motståndet mot Lapporörelsen fanns inom Allmogeförbundet, som var en liberal vänsterfraktion inom SFP. Den viktigaste frågan för Bondeförbundet var kravet på höga importtullar på spannmål. Inom Bondeförbundet fanns en befogad oro för att spannmålsodling var olönsam i Finland på grund av billig importsäd. I min studie visar jag att ett fosterländskt valförbund skulle ha bidragit till att mera högerinriktade kandidaterna inom de borgerliga partierna som var för Lapporörelsen och för en protektionistisk jordbrukspolitik skulle ha blivit invalda i riksdagen. Det fanns således även agrarpolitiska motiv bakom Bondeförbundets ställningstagande för Lapporörelsen.
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More than ever, education organisations are experiencing the need to develop new services and processes to satisfy expanding and changing customer needs and to adapt to the environmental changes and continually tightening economic situation. Innovation has been found in many studies to have a crucial role in the success of an organisation, both in the private and public sectors, in formal education and in manufacturing and services alike. However, studies concerning innovation in non-formal adult education organisations, such as adult education centres (AECs) in Finland, are still lacking. This study investigates innovation in the non-formal adult education organisation context from the perspective of organisational culture types and social networks. The objective is to determine the significant characteristics of an innovative non-formal adult education organisation. The analysis is based on data from interviews with the principals and fulltime staff of four case AECs. Before the case study, a pre-study phase is accomplished in order to obtain a preliminary understanding of innovation at AECs. The research found strong support for the need of innovation in AECs. Innovation is basically needed to accomplish the AEC system’s primary mission mentioned in the ACT on Liberal Adult Education. In addition, innovation is regarded vital to institutes and may prevent their decline. It helps the institutes to be more attractive, to enter new market, to increase customer satisfaction and to be on the cutting edge. Innovation is also seen as a solution to the shortage of resources. Innovative AECs search actively for additional resources for development work through project funding and subsidies, cooperation networks and creating a conversational and joyful atmosphere in the institute. The findings also suggest that the culture type that supports innovation at AECs is multidimensional, with an emphasis on the clan and adhocratic culture types and such values as: dynamism, future orientation, acquiring new resources, mistake tolerance, openness, flexibility, customer orientation, a risk-taking attitude, and community spirit. Active and creative internal and external cooperation also promote innovation at AECs. This study also suggests that the behaviour of a principal is crucial. The way he or she shows appreciation the staff, encouragement and support to the staff and his or her approachability and concrete participation in innovation activities have a strong effect on innovation attitudes and activities in AECs.
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The practice of social entrepreneurship already exists for a long time but the concept is quite new and has more recently raised a growing interest among academics. However, the majority of researches and considerations about the subject have taken a strong positive concern by omitting some sort of a critical reflection. The idea of this study is to consider the gap between the very optimistic and the more precautious concerns about social entrepreneurship. It means presenting the advantages and downsides connected to the topic in the business, public and third sector. The aim is to help the reader building his/her own belief on social entrepreneurship by considering the positive and negative sides of social entrepreneurship. Hence, the research is intended to take a critical step and aims to answer to the following research questions: Shall we believe in social entrepreneurship? What are the reasons for believing or not in social entrepreneurship taking into account the advantages and possible risks of it in the business, public, and third sector? The theoretical framework consists of the comparison between the promising and precautious sides about social entrepreneurship for private, public and non-governmental organizations including the actors or participants inside these sectors. The empirical part is conducted using a qualitative method. Personal interviews of experts in the fields of business, public and third sectors were handled. The purpose of this approach is to compare the critics in theory with the experience of persons dealing with social entrepreneurship. The results from the interviews revealed that in general, reasons for believing in social entrepreneurship prevail over critics about the subject. Social entrepreneurship may not yet represent a full performing business. Concerns for weakening the public power and putting aside the interests of communities in need may exist too. Furthermore, naïve and extra liberal ways of thinking or doing can lead to practices going in opposition with initial social objectives. Nevertheless, problems about social entrepreneurship would be mainly due to the young age of the movement. Time and experience would give better foundations and results to social entrepreneurs. Critics about social entrepreneurship could also easily be done to any sorts of business. Overall, the positive considerations of social entrepreneurship with skillful, motivated and responsible actors could represent some useful tools for enterprises, governments and charities. Some tools among many other possibilities to help people in need.
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My dissertation is an interdisciplinary study of the relationship between the Swiss peasants and nobles in Friedrich Schiller’s play Wilhelm Tell (1804). Changes to this relationship are of particular interest. Communication in the play is examined via a micro-analysis based on Penelope Brown’s and Stephen C. Levinson’s theoretical framework Politeness: Some universals in language usage. (1978, 1987). Brown and Levinson distinguish between positivepoliteness and negative-politeness strategies and their distinction is useful for my argument, since they claim that the use of positive-politeness strategies reflects the speaker’s intention to minimize the distance between the interlocutors (Brown and Levinson 1987: 103). Negative-politeness strategies, by contrast, result in social distancing (Brown and Levinson 1987: 130). In accordance with Brown’s and Levinson’s theory, it can be argued that the distribution of positive-politeness and negative-politeness strategies reflects changes in the distance between the fictional interlocutors as representatives of their social classes in Wilhelm Tell. The analysis of the communication in the play highlights that existing conflicts within the social groups are resolved and replaced with solidarity (cf. ‘Claim ’common ground’ and ‘Claim in-group membership with H’) before the peasants and noblemen appear on stage simultaneously in III, 3. In the scene in question, Geßler forces Tell to shoot the apple off his son’s head. Although both nobles and peasants are present, they do not communicate with each other. Thus, communication between the social classes occurs for the first time in IV, 2. This scene is crucial with regard to the changes in the relationship between the social classes in the play. The younger generation, with Rudenz as a representative of the nobility and Melchthal as a representative of the peasants, break with the prevailing conventions and initiate a new type of cooperation based on mutual helping and equality in the right and the duty to protect the country from the violent oppressors representing Habsburg (cf. ‘Convey that S and H are cooperators’, ‘Claim reflexivity’ and ‘Claim reciprocity’). The linguistic analysis reveals the crucial role of the Swiss nobility in the development of the social utopia, as well as the non-contribution of Wilhelm Tell. In fact, Tell never communicates with the Swiss noblemen. The role of the nobility and the role of Wilhelm Tell are further investigated in a comparison between Schiller’s Wilhelm Tell and four of Schiller’s historical sources. These sources, which contain earlier, non-dramatic versions of the establishment of the Swiss Confederation, are the following: Kronica von der loblichen Eydtgnoschaft compiled by Petermann Etterlin (1507), Gemeiner loblicher Eydgnoschafft Stetten Landen vnd Völckeren Chronik wirdiger thaaten beschreybung (1548) written by Johann Stumpf, Chronicon Helveticum of Aegidius Tschudi (the publication of Iselin from 1734 and 1736) and Johannes von Müller’s Geschichten schweizerischer Eidgenossenschaft (1786). Thecomparison sheds light on the fact that both Tschudi and von Müller emphasize unity among the Swiss and cooperation in their attempt to defeat the enemy. However, Schiller has reinforced the role of the nobility in the cooperation. In addition, the comparison between Schiller’s play and the historical sources reveals profound differences with regard to the role of Wilhelm Tell. In all of Schiller’s sources, Tell is present at Rütli, whereas he is absent from Rütli in Schiller’s play. In the play in general, Tell is conspicuously separated from the other peasants. Explanations of my linguistic results, which correspond to the above mentioned differences between the roles of the figures in Wilhelm Tell and the depictions in Schiller’s sources, are found by comparing the path of Schiller’s Swiss towards an egalitarian perspective with the kind of social evolution depicted by the German philosopher Johann Benjamin Erhard in his essay Über das Recht des Volks zu einer Revolution (1795). Aiming at considering Schiller’s social utopia within the larger cultural framework of the German response to the French Revolution, the comparison suggests that both authors depict the need for social change in terms of a change in social hierarchies (Erhard 1970: 95-96, cf. Foi 2005: 225). Erhard’s essay thus helps explain the political intention of Schiller’s play to keep the ideals of the French Revolution as crucial aims but profoundly change the means towards freedom and equality. In his attempt to claim the political resistance of the nobles and peasants as just, however, Schiller sacrificed the figure of Wilhelm Tell. Guilty of the murder of Geßler, Tell was no longer suitable for the righteous revolution imagined by Schiller (cf. Bloch 2008: 215 and Schulz 2005: 228). This explains Tell’s absence in the Rütli scene, his isolation in the plot, as well as his non-contribution to the social utopia. Together, the linguistic analysis and contextualisation of Schiller’s play support my hypothesis that Wilhelm Tell describes a process of change in the relationship between peasants and nobles. The interdisciplinary approach to the topic proved to be fruitful for all areas of the research involved.