29 resultados para Ethnic
Resumo:
The focus of this study is to examine the role of police and immigrants’ relations, as less is known about this process in the country. The studies were approached in two different ways. Firstly, an attempt was made to examine how immigrants view their encounters with the police. Secondly, the studies explored how aware the police are of immigrants’ experiences in their various encounters and interactions on the street level. An ancillary aim of the studies is to clarify, analyse and discuss how prejudice and stereotypes can be tackled, thereby contributing to the general debate about racism and discrimination for better ethnic relations in the country. The data in which this analysis was based is on a group of adults (n=88) from the total of 120 Africans questioned for the entire study (n=45) police cadets and (n=6) serving police officers from Turku. The present thesis is a compilation of five articles. A summary of each article findings follows, as the same data was used in all five studies. In the first study, a theoretical model was developed to examine the perceived knowledge of bias by immigrants resulting from race, culture and belief. This was also an attempt to explore whether this knowledge was predetermined in my attempt to classify and discuss as well as analyse the factors that may be influencing immigrants’ allegations of unfair treatment by the police in Turku. The main finding shows that in the first paper there was ignorance and naivety on the part of the police in their attitudes towards the African immigrant’s prior experiences with the police, and this may probably have resulted from stereotypes or their lack of experience as well as prior training with immigrants where these kinds of experience are rampant in the country (Egharevba, 2003 and 2004a). In exploring what leads to stereotypes, a working definition is the assumption that is prevalent among some segments of the population, including the police, that Finland is a homogenous country by employing certain conducts and behaviour towards ethnic and immigrant groups in the country. This to my understanding is stereotype. Historically this was true, but today the social topography of the country is changing and becoming even more complex. It is true that, on linguistic grounds, the country is multilingual, as there are a few recognised national minority languages (Swedish, Sami and Russian) as well as a number of immigrant languages including English. Apparently it is vital for the police to have a line of communication open when addressing the problem associated with immigrants in the country. The second paper moved a step further by examining African immigrants’ understanding of human rights as well as what human rights violation means or entails in their views as a result of their experiences with the police, both in Finland and in their country of origin. This approach became essential during the course of the study, especially when the participants were completing the questionnaire (N=88), where volunteers were solicited for a later date for an in-depth interview with the author. Many of the respondents came from countries where human rights are not well protected and seldom discussed publicly, therefore understanding their views on the subject can help to explain why some of the immigrants are sceptical about coming forward to report cases of batteries and assaults to the police, or even their experiences of being monitored in shopping malls in their new home and the reason behind their low level of trust in public authorities in Finland. The study showed that knowledge of human rights is notably low among some of the participants. The study also found that female respondents were less aware of human rights when compared with their male counterparts. This has resulted in some of the male participants focussing more on their traditional ways of thinking by not realising that they are in a new country where there is equality in sexes and lack of respect on gender terms is not condoned. The third paper focussed on the respondents’ experiences with the police in Turku and tried to explore police attitudes towards African immigrant clients, in addition to the role stereotype plays in police views of different cultures and how these views have impacted on immigrants’ views of discriminatory policing in Turku. The data is the same throughout the entire studies (n=88), except that some few participants were interviewed for the third paper thirty-five persons. The results showed that there is some bias in mass-media reports on the immigrants’ issues, due to selective portrayal of biases without much investigation being carried out before jumping to conclusions, especially when the issues at stake involve an immigrant (Egharevba, 2005a; Egharevba, 2004a and 2004b). In this vein, there was an allegation that the police are even biased while investigating cases of theft, especially if the stolen property is owned by an immigrant (Egharevba, 2006a, Egharevba, 2006b). One vital observation from the respondents’ various comments was that race has meaning in their encounters and interaction with the police in the country. This result led the author to conclude that the relation between the police and immigrants is still a challenge, as there is rampant fear and distrust towards the police by some segments of the participating respondents in the study. In the fourth paper the focus was on examining the respondents’ view of the police, with special emphasis on race and culture as well as the respondents’ perspective on police behaviour in Turku. This is because race, as it was relayed to me in the study, is a significant predictor of police perception (Egharevba, 2005a; Egharevba and Hannikianen, 2005). It is a known scientific fact that inter-group racial attitudes are the representation of group competition and perceived threat to power and status (Group-position theory). According to Blumer (1958) a sense of group threat is an essential element for the emergence of racial prejudice. Consequently, it was essential that we explored the existing relationship between the respondents and the police in order to have an understanding of this concept. The result indicates some local and international contextual issues and assumptions that were of importance tackling prejudice and discrimination as it exists within the police in the country. Moreover, we have to also remember that, for years, many of these African immigrants have been on the receiving end of unjust law enforcement in their various countries of origin, which has resulted in many of them feeling inferior and distrustful of the police even in their own country of origin. While discussing the issues of cultural difference and how it affects policing, we must also keep in mind the socio-cultural background of the participants, their level of language proficiency and educational background. The research data analysed in this study also confirmed the difficulties associated with cultural misunderstandings in interpreting issues and how these misunderstandings have affected police and immigrant relations in Finland. Finally, the fifth paper focussed on cadets’ attitudes towards African immigrants as well as serving police officers’ interaction with African clients. Secondly, the police level of awareness of African immigrants’ distrustfulness of their profession was unclear. For this reason, my questions in this fifth study examined the experiences and attitudes of police cadets and serving police officers as well as those of African immigrants in understanding how to improve this relationship in the country. The data was based on (n=88) immigrant participants, (n=45) police cadets and 6 serving police officers from the Turku police department. The result suggests that there is distrust of the police in the respondents’ interaction; this tends to have galvanised a heightened tension resulting from the lack of language proficiency (Egharevba and White, 2007; Egharevba and Hannikainen, 2005, and Egharevba, 2006b) The result also shows that the allegation of immigrants as being belittled by the police stems from the misconceptions of both parties as well as the notion of stop and search by the police in Turku. All these factors were observed to have contributed to the alleged police evasiveness and the lack of regular contact between the respondents and the police in their dealings. In other words, the police have only had job-related contact with many of the participants in the present study. The results also demonstrated the complexities caused by the low level of education among some of the African immigrants in their understanding about the Finnish culture, norms and values in the country. Thus, the framework constructed in these studies embodies diversity in national culture as well as the need for a further research study with a greater number of respondents (both from the police and immigrant/majority groups), in order to explore the different role cultures play in immigrant and majority citizens’ understanding of police work.
Resumo:
This dissertation explores the complicated relations between Estonian, Latvian, and Lithuanian postwar refugees and American foreign policymakers between 1948 and 1960. There were seemingly shared interests between the parties during the first decade of the Cold War. Generally, Eastern European refugees refused to recognize Soviet hegemony in their homelands, and American policy towards the Soviet bloc during the Truman and Eisenhower administrations sought to undermine the Kremlin’s standing in the region. More specifically, Baltic refugees and State Department officials sought to preserve the 1940 non-recognition policy towards the Soviet annexation of the Baltic States. I propose that despite the seemingly natural convergence of interests, the American experiment of constructing a State-Private network revolving around fostering relations with exile groups was fraught with difficulties. These difficulties ultimately undermined any ability that the United States might have had to liberate the Baltic States from the Soviet Union. As this dissertation demonstrates, Baltic exiles were primarily concerned with preserving a high level of political continuity to the interwar republics under the assumption that they would be able to regain their positions in liberated, democratic societies. American policymakers, however, were primarily concerned with maintaining the non-recognition policy, the framework in which all policy considerations were analyzed. I argue that these two motivating factors created unnecessary tensions in American policy towards the Baltic republics in the spheres of psychological warfare as well as exile unity in the United States and Europe. Despite these shortcomings, I argue that out of the exiles’ failings was born a generation of Baltic constituents that blurred the political legitimacy line between exiles who sought to return home and ethnic Americans who were loyal to the United States. These Baltic constituents played an important role in garnering the support of the United States Congress, starting in the 1950s, but became increasingly influential after the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, despite the seemingly less important role Eastern Europe played in the Cold War. The actions of the Baltic constituents not only prevented the Baltic question from being forever lost in the memory hole of history, but actually created enough political pressure on the State Department that it was impossible to alter the long-standing policy of not recognizing the Soviet annexation of the Baltic States.
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The most outstanding conceptual challenge of modern crisis management is the principle of consent. It is not a problem only at the operational level - it challenges the entire decision-making structures of crisis management operations. In post-cold war times and especially in the 21st century, there has been a transition from peacekeeping with limited size and scope towards large and complex peace operations. This shift has presented peace operations with a dilemma. How to balance between maintaining consent for peace operations, whilst being able to use military force to coerce those attempting to wreck peace processes? To address such a dilemma, this research aims to promote understanding, on what can be achieved by military crisis management operations (peace support operations) in the next decade. The research concentrates on the focal research question: Should military components induce consent or rely on the compliance of conflicting parties in crisis management operations of the next decade (2020 – 2030)? The focus is on military – political strategic level considerations, and especially on the time before political decisions to commit to a crisis management operation. This study does not focus on which actor or organisation should intervene. The framework of this thesis derives from the so called ‘peacebuilding space’, the scope of peace operations and spoiler theory. Feasibility of both peace enforcement and peacekeeping in countering future risk conditions are analysed in this framework. This future-orientated qualitative research uses the Delphi-method with a panel of national and international experts. Citation analysis supports identification of relevant reference material, which consists of contemporary literature, the Delphi-questionnaires and interviews. The research process followed three main stages. In the first stage, plausible future scenarios and risk conditions were identified with the Delphi-panel. In the second stage, operating environments for peace support operations were described and consequent hypotheses formulated. In the third stage, these hypotheses were tested on the Delphi-panel. The Delphi-panel is sufficiently wide and diverse to produce plausible yet different insights. The research design utilised specifically military crisis management and peace operations theories. This produced various and relevant normative considerations. Therefore, one may argue that this research; which is based on accepted contemporary theory, hypotheses derived thereof and utilising an expert panel, contributes to the realm of peace support operations. This research finds that some degree of peace enforcement will be feasible and necessary in at least the following risk conditions: failed governance; potential spillover of ethnic, religious, ideological conflict; vulnerability of strategic chokepoints and infrastructures in ungoverned spaces; as well as in territorial and extra-territorial border disputes. In addition, some form of peace enforcement is probably necessary in risk conditions pertaining to: extremism of marginalised groups; potential disputes over previously uninhabited and resource-rich territories; and interstate rivalry. Furthermore, this research finds that peacekeeping measures will be feasible and necessary in at least risk conditions pertaining to: potential spillover of ethnic, religious, ideological conflict; uncontrolled migration; consequences from environmental catastrophes or changes; territorial and extra-territorial border disputes; and potential disputes over previously uninhabited and resource-rich territories. These findings are all subject to both generic and case specific preconditions that must exist for a peace support operation. Some deductions could be derived from the research findings. Although some risk conditions may appear illogical, understanding the underlying logic of a conflict is fundamental to understanding transition in crisis management. Practitioners of crisis management should possess cognizance of such transition. They must understand how transition should occur from threat to safety, from conflict to stability – and so forth. Understanding transition is imperative for managing the dynamic evolution of preconditions, which begins at the outset of a peace support operation. Furthermore, it is pertinent that spoilers are defined from a peace process point of view. If spoilers are defined otherwise, it changes the nature of an operation towards war, where the logic is breaking the will of an enemy - and surrender. In peace support operations, the logic is different: actions towards spoilers are intended to cause transition towards consent - not defeat. Notwithstanding future developments, history continues to provide strategic education. However, the distinction is that the risk conditions occur in novel futures. Hence, lessons learned from the past should be fitted to the case at hand. This research shows compelling evidence that swaying between intervention optimism and pessimism is not substantiated. Both peace enforcement and peacekeeping are sine qua non for successful military crisis management in the next decade.
Resumo:
Kirjallisuusarvostelu
Resumo:
This thesis consists of four articles and an introductory section. The main research questions in all the articles refer to the changes in the representativeness of the Finnish Paper Workers' Union. Representativeness stands for the entire entity of external, internal, legal and reputational factors that enable the labor union to represent its members and achieve its goals. This concept is based on an extensive reading of quantitative and qualitative industrial relations literature, which includes works based on Marxist labor-capital relations (such as Hyman's industrial relations studies), and more recent union density studies as well as gender- and ethnic diversity-based 'union revitalization' studies. Müller-Jentsch's German studies of industrial relations have been of particular importance as well as Streeck's industrial unionism and technology studies. The concept of representativeness is an attempt to combine the insights of these diverse strands of literature and bring the scientific discussion of labor unions back to the core of a union's function: representing its members. As such, it can be seen as a theoretical innovation. The concept helps to acknowledge both the heterogeneity of the membership and the totality of a labor union organization. The concept of representativeness aims to move beyond notions of 'power'. External representativeness can be expressed through the position of the labor union in the industrial relations system and the economy. Internal representativeness focuses on the aspects of labor unions that relate to the function of the union as an association with members, such as internal democracy. Legal representativeness lies in the formal legal position of the union – its rights and instruments. This includes collective bargaining legislation, co-decision rules and industrial conflict legislation. Reputational representativeness is related to how the union is seen by other actors and the general public, and can be approximated using data on strike activity. All these aspects of representativeness are path-dependent, and show the results of previous struggles over issues. The concept of representativeness goes beyond notions of labor union power and symbolizes an attempt to bring back the focus of industrial relations studies to the union's basic function of representing its members. The first article shows in detail the industrial conflict of the Finnish paper industry in 2005. The intended focus was the issue of gender in the negotiations over a new collective agreement, but the focal point of the industrial conflict was the issue of outsourcing and how this should be organized. Also, the issue of continuous shifts as an issue of working time was very important. The drawn-out conflict can be seen as a struggle over principles, and under pressure the labor union had to concede ground on the aforementioned issues. The article concludes that in this specific conflict, the union represented its' female members to a lesser extent, because the other issues took such priority. Furthermore, because of the substantive concessions. the union lost some of its internal representativeness, and the stubbornness of the union may have even harmed the reputation of the union. This article also includes an early version of the representativeness framework, through which this conflict is analyzed. The second article discusses wage developments, union density and collective bargaining within the context of representativeness. It is shown that the union has been able to secure substantial benefits for its members, regardless of declining employment. Collective agreements have often been based on centralized incomes policies, but the paper sector has not always joined these. Attention is furthermore paid to the changing competition of the General Assembly, with a surprisingly strong position of the Left Alliance still. In an attempt to replicate analysis of union density measures, an analysis of sectoral union density shows that similar factors as in aggregate data influence this measure, though – due to methodological issues – the results may not be robust. On this issue, it can be said that the method of analysis for aggregate union density is not suitable for sectoral union density analysis. The increasingly conflict-ridden industrial relations predicted have not actually materialized. The article concludes by asking whether the aim of ever-increasing wages is a sustainable one in the light of the pressures of globalization, though wage costs are a relatively small part of total costs. The third article discusses the history and use of outsourcing in the Finnish paper industry. It is shown using Hyman's framework of constituencies that over time, the perspective of the union changed from 'members of the Paper Workers' Union' to a more specific view of who is a core member of the union. Within the context of the industrial unionism that the union claims to practice, this is an important change. The article shows that the union more and more caters for a core group, while auxiliary personnel is less important to the union's identity and constituencies, which means that the union's internal representativeness has decreased. Maintenance workers are an exception; the union and employers have developed a rotating system that increases the efficient allocation of these employees. The core reason of the exceptional status of maintenance personnel is their high level of non-transferable skills. In the end it is debatable whether the compromise on outsourcing solves the challenges facing the industry. The fourth article shows diverging discourses within the union with regard to union-employer partnership for competitiveness improvements and instruments of local union representatives. In the collective agreement of 2008, the provision regulating wage effects of significant changes in the organization or content of work was thoroughly changed, though this mainly reflected decisions by the Labor Court on the pre-2008 version of the provision. This change laid bare the deep rift between the Social Democratic and Left Alliance (ex-Communist) factions of the union. The article argues that through the changed legal meaning of the provision, the union was able to transform concession bargaining into a basis for partnership. The internal discontent about this issue is nonetheless substantial and a threat to the unity of the union, both locally and at the union level. On the basis of the results of the articles, other factors influencing representativeness, such as technology and EU law and an overview of the main changes in the Finnish paper industry, it is concluded that, especially in recent years, the Finnish Paper Workers' Union has lost some of its representativeness. In particular, the loss of the efficiency of strikes is noted, the compromise on outsourcing which may have alienated a substantial part of the union's membership, and the change in the collective agreement of 2008 have caused this decline. In the latter case, the internal disunion on that issue shows the constraints of the union's internal democracy. Furthermore, the failure of the union to join the TEAM industrial union (by democratic means), the internal conflicts and a narrow focus on its own sector may also hurt the union in the future, as the paper industry in Finland is going through a structural change. None of these changes in representativeness would have been so drastic without the considerable pressure of globalization - in particular changing markets, changing technology and a loss of domestic investments to foreign investments, which in the end have benefited the corporations more than the Finnish employees of these corporations. Taken together, the union risks becoming socially irrelevant in time, though it will remain formally very strong on the basis of its institutional setting and financial situation.
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Songs have the power to get through to people. When lyrics are combined with a tune, the result is an entity where the first few notes of a melody can evoke emotions of recognition and belonging. A song treasury consists of such songs that are part of a canonized song tradition. The process where certain songs become part of an established song treasury is long, and many other aspects than the tune itself influence the forming of a song treasury. By examining the characteristics of a song tradition, the history of an ethnic group can be illuminated. In this study, music, pedagogy, and the sociocultural context are merged into a whole where a common song tradition, the song treasury, is in focus. The main aim of this study is to deepen the understanding of a song treasury, its development and contents. This understanding is accomplished by analyzing the musical and lyrical characteristics of 60 songs, which have been sung in schools, homes, and communities, thereby becoming popular among the Swedish-speaking Finns during the 20th century. The songs have been chosen by combining three song lists, of which two lists are closely related to school curricula. The third song list is a result of a survey on favourite songs, according to the situation around year 2000. The songs are examined in their notated versions, a number of song books and text books (n = 29) forming the empirical material. In this study, a hermeneutical approach is applied, content analysis being the method. The analysis is based on three perspectives: the sociocultural perspective, the music-pedagogical perspective, and the musico-analytical perspective. Within each perspective, two aspects are studied. This results in a hexagonal model which forms the structure of the study as a whole. The first two perspectives form the background; a historical context where nation, education, home country, and homestead are regarded as highly important. A common song repertoire is considered to be an effective means of building collective identity within ethnic groups, the common language and the cultural heritage being used as rhetorical arguments. During the early 1900s, choir festivals become an educational platform where conceptions of a common belonging are developed and strengthened through religious, patriotic, and poetical expressions. National school curricula in singing and music have similar characteristics, cultural heritage and values education being in focus. The song lyrics often describe nature and emotions, and they also appear to be personal and situated in a given time and place. Patriotic expressions and songs about music are also fairly common. The songs generally express positive attitudes, which are intensified by major tonality, rich and varied melodies with stable rhythms, and a strong tonal base. The analyzed details of the studied aspects are merged into a thick description, which results in an interpretation pattern with three dimensions: a song treasury can be considered an expression of collective identity, cultural heritage, and values education.
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Iran has a reputation of being a problematic country. Right now, it is proceeding with its nuclear program despite the opposition of the West and neighboring countries and the massive sanctions inflicted upon it. The country is also struggling with domestic issues. Half of Iran’s population belongs to different ethnic or religious minorities. They have poor rights to express their culture in the country, which is a cause of dissatisfaction among non-Shiite and non-Persian citizens. After the Arab Spring, the situation in Iran is getting more topical than ever. In the Syrian conflict, the Shiite Iran is constantly giving support to al-Assad’s regime. These are all factors that have aggravated the already irritated relations between Iran and the West.
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Bullying is characterized by an inequality of power between perpetrator and target. Findings that bullies can be highly popular have helped redefine the old conception of the maladjusted school bully into a powerful individual exerting influence on his peers from the top of the peer status hierarchy. Study I is a conceptual paper that explores the conditions under which a skillful, socially powerful bully can use the peer group as a means of aggression and suggests that low cohesion and low quality of friendships make groups easier to manipulate. School bullies’ high popularity should be a major obstacle for antibullying efforts, as bullies are unlikely to cease negative actions that are rewarding, and their powerful position could discourage bystanders from interfering. Using data from the Finnish program KiVa, Study II supported the hypothesis that antibullying interventions are less effective with popular bullies in comparison to their unpopular counterparts. In order to design interventions that can address the positive link between popularity and aggression, it is necessary to determine in which contexts bullies achieve higher status. Using an American sample, Study III examined the effects of five classroom features on the social status that peers accord to aggressive children, including classroom status hierarchy, academic level and grade level, controlling for classroom mean levels of aggression and ethnic distribution. Aggressive children were more popular and better liked in fifth grade relative to fourth grade and in classrooms of higher status hierarchy. Surprisingly, the natural emergence of status hierarchies in children’s peer groups has long been assumed to minimize aggression. Whether status hierarchies hinder or promote bullying is a controversial question in the peer relations’ literature. Study IV aimed at clarifying this debate by testing the effects of the degree of classroom status hierarchy on bullying. Higher hierarchy was concrrently associated with bullying and predictive of higher bullying six months later. As bullies’ quest for power is increasingly acknowledged, some researchers suggest teaching bullies to attain the elevated status they yearn for through prosocial acts. Study V cautions against such solutions by reviewing evidence that prosocial behaviors enacted with the intention of controlling others can be as harmful as aggression.
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The aim of this dissertation is to develop a theory on intercultural caring to deepen the understanding of caring between nurses and patients who have different cultural backgrounds. The research questions are: 1) What is intercultural caring? 2) How is intercultural caring described and understood? 3) How is intercultural caring described and understood in a maternity care context from the patients’ perspective? 4) What is the substance in a theory on intercultural caring? 5) What is the substance in a theory on intercultural caring in maternity care from the patients’ perspective? The theoretical perspective is based on caritative theory and the caring science-tradition (Eriksson, 2001, 2002) and has a hermeneutic approach. In the first study, 19 texts of Campinha-Bacote, Kim-Godwin, Leininger and Ray are analysed through content analysis. A model for intercultural caring is then created abductively. The second study is a metasynthesis of 40 studies on intercultural caring in maternity care research. The third study is a focused ethnography, in which 17 immigrant mothers are interviewed and observed. The theory on intercultural caring is created through a hermeneutic synthesis of the three studies. A synthesis of the studies with a maternity context results in five patterns of interpretation: the experience of caring is related to power; the family is always present; childbearing and change of culture can give women multiple vulnerabilities; both the mother and the nurse change when they meet; conflicts can cause change. The theory and patterns of interpretation consolidate into a contextual theory on intercultural caring for clinical maternity praxis. In this theory, caring consists of four dimensions: universal, cultural, contextual, and unique caring, which permeate each other. Universal caring is nondependent of time and space. Cultural caring considers the cultural background, the acculturation and the equality of each mother. In the maternity care culture, cultural competence, cultural safety, and acculturation of the nurse are emphasised. Contextual caring considers the specific cultural features of the childbearing mother. In this respect, the nurse is expected to be an expert and to clarify cultural assumptions in maternity care. In unique caring, the mother expects good communication, respect for the family, goodwill and somebody who cares for her and meets her needs, in order for trust to be built. In this respect, the nurse listens to the woman’s narrative, is flexible, open, courageous, and non-judgemental. The nurse shows an understanding for the life situation of the woman, and strives for continuity to preserve the care relationship. It was found that external circumstances affect intercultural caring. Moreover, intercultural caring is expected to decrease misunderstandings and conflicts, alleviate suffering and promote health and life. The theory adds knowledge to the phenomenon of intercultural caring for the nursing and caring sciences, and for the nursing care of patients with other cultural backgrounds than the nurses. The theory can be used in nursing, education, research and administration.
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The emergence of the idea of multiculturalism in Swedish public discourse and social science in the latter half of the 1960s and introduction of official multiculturalism in 1975 constituted a major intellectual and political shift in the post-war history of Sweden. The ambition of the 1975 immigrant and minority policy to enable the preservation of ethno-cultural minorities and to create a positive attitude towards the new multicultural society among the majority population was also incorporated into Swedish cultural, educational and media policies. The rejection of assimilationism and the new commitment to ethno-cultural diversity, the multicultural moment, has earned Sweden a place on the list of the early adopters of official multiculturalism, together with Canada and Australia. This compilation thesis examines the origins and early post-war history of the idea of multiculturalism as well as the interplay between idea and politics in the shift from a public ideal of homogeneity to an ideal of multiculturalism in Sweden. It does so from a range of conceptual, comparative, transnational, and biographical perspectives. The thesis consists of an introduction (Part I) and four previously published studies (Part II). The primary research result of the thesis concerns the agency involved in the break-through and formal establishment of the idea of multiculturalism in Sweden. Actors such as ethnic activists, experts and officials were instrumental in the introduction and establishment of multiculturalism in Sweden, as they also had been in Canada and in Australia. These actors have, however, not previously been recognized and analysed as significant idea-makers and political agents in the case of Sweden. The intertwined connections between activists, social scientists, linguists, and officials facilitated the transfer of the idea of multiculturalism from a publically contested idea to public policy via the way of The Swedish Trade Union Confederation, academia and the Royal Commission of Immigration. The thesis furthermore shows that the political success of the idea of multiculturalism, such as it was within the limits of the universalist social democratic welfare state, was dependent on whom the claims-makers were, the status and positions they held, and the way the idea of multiculturalism was conceptualised and used. It was also dependent on the migratory context of labour immigration in the 1960s and 1970s and on whose behalf the advocates of multiculturalism made their claims. The majority of the labour immigrants were Finnish citizens from the former eastern half of the kingdom of Sweden who were net contributors to the Swedish welfare state. This facilitated the recognition of their ethno-cultural difference, and, following the logic of universalism, the ethno-cultural difference of other minority groups in Sweden. The historical significance of the multicultural moment is still evident in the contemporary immigration and integration policies of Sweden. The affirmation of diversity continues to set Sweden apart from the rest of Europe, now more so than in the 1970s, even though the migratory context has changed radically in the last 40 years.
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Tutkimus käsittelee islaminuskoisten somalityttöjen hyvään ja huonoon maineeseen liittyviä uskonnollisia, kulttuurisia ja etnisiä määrittelyjä ja niiden merkityksiä heidän arjessaan. Turussa hankittu etnografinen tutkimusaineisto koostuu osallistuvaan havainnointiin perustuvasta kenttäpäiväkirja-aineistosta sekä kahdestakymmenestäviidestä 17‒35-vuotiaiden somalityttöjen ja -naisten teemahaastattelusta vuosilta 2003–2006. Tutkimuksen tehtävänä on selvittää, minkälaista somalityttöä pidetään maineeltaan hyvänä ja miten tytön maine voi mennä. Tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan yhtäältä sitä, mikä merkitys sosiaalisilla verkostoilla on tyttöjen maineen määrittelyssä. Toisaalta kysytään, mitä somalitytöt ja nuoret naiset itse ajattelevat tytön maineeseen liittyvistä odotuksista ja miten he niistä tietoisina toimivat. Lähestymistapa rakentuu uskontotieteen, antropologian, sukupuolentutkimuksen, tyttötutkimuksen, nuorisotutkimuksen ja kulttuurimaantieteen näkökulmia yhdistelemällä. Ensimmäisessä aineistontulkintaluvussa tarkastellaan tyttöyteen ja maineen rakentumiseen liittyvää ruumiillista merkityksenantoa pukeutumisen, seksuaalisuuden, tyttöjen ympärileikkausta koskevan asennemuutoksen ja seurustelun teemojen kautta. Toisessa luvussa keskitytään kaupunkitilan ja tyttöjen vapaa-ajanvieton sosiotilallisiin tulkintoihin sekä tyttöjen käytöstä kodin ulkopuolella määritteleviin ja mainetta rakentaviin puheisiin. Haastatellut arvostivat islamiin ja somaliperinteeseen liittyviä arvoja ja pitivät niitä oman käytöksensä ohjenuorina. Omanarvontunto, itsekontrolli ja vastuuntunto omista teoista liitettiin ”hyvään tyttöyteen”. Tyttöjen toimijuus ilmeni heihin kohdistuvien odotusten suuntaisena käyttäytymisenä ja näiden ihanteiden arvostamisena. Toimijuus näkyi myös tiettyjen tyttöihin ja poikiin kohdistuvien erilaisten odotusten kyseenalaistamisena ja joissakin tapauksissa vastoin odotuksia toimimisena. Turkua myös verrattiin somalityttöjen käytöksen osalta pääkaupunkiseutuun. Tässä vertailussa Turku nimettiin kulttuurisen jatkuvuuden, pääkaupunkiseutu kulttuurisen muutoksen paikaksi. Haastateltujen mukaan yhteisöllisiä tulkintoja tyttöjen käytöksestä tehtiin puheissa ja juoruissa, usein suhteessa havaintoihin suomalaistyttöjen käytöksestä. Tyttöjen arkeen nämä etniset ja moraaliset eroteot eivät kuitenkaan vaikuttaneet aina samalla tavoin, koska tulkinnat tyttärille sopivasta ja mahdollisesta käytöksestä voivat vaihdella perheiden välillä. Tutkimus tuo esille, että tytön hyvä maine on eräs perheen hyvinvointiin vaikuttavista tekijöistä. Somalityttöjen käytös on myös eräs yhteisöllinen peili, jota vasten tehdään laajempia tulkintoja somalikulttuurin ja uskonnollisten arvojen tilasta diasporassa. Liiallinen muutos tyttöjen käyttäytymisessä uhkasi yhteisöllistä jatkuvuutta ja uskonnolliskulttuuristen arvojen välittymistä seuraaville sukupolville. Laajasti ymmärrettynä ”hyvä tyttöys” ja hyvä maine oli onnistuneen kulttuurisen neuvottelun tulosta diasporassa. Se tarkoitti, että tyttö kiinnittyi somalialaiseen taustaansa ja sen välittämiin arvoihin, osallistuen samalla kuitenkin myös suomalaiseen yhteiskuntaan.
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The aim of this dissertation was to examine the skills and knowledge that pre-service teachers and teachers have and need about working with multilingual and multicultural students from immigrant backgrounds. The specific goals were to identify pre-service teachers’ and practising teachers’ current knowledge and awareness of culturally and linguistically responsive teaching, identify a profile of their strengths and needs, and devise appropriate professional development support and ways to prepare teachers to become equitable culturally responsive practitioners. To investigate these issues, the dissertation reports on six original empirical studies within two groups of teachers: international pre-service teacher education students from over 25 different countries as well as pre-service and practising Finnish teachers. The international pre-service teacher sample consisted of (n = 38, study I; and n = 45, studies II-IV) and the pre-service and practising Finnish teachers sample encompassed (n = 89, study V; and n = 380, study VI). The data used were multi-source including both qualitative (students’ written work from the course including journals, final reflections, pre- and post-definition of key terms, as well as course evaluation and focus group transcripts) and quantitative (multi-item questionnaires with open-ended options), which enhanced the credibility of the findings resulting in the triangulation of data. Cluster analytic procedures, multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA), and qualitative analyses mostly Constant Comparative Approach were used to understand pre-service teachers’ and practising teachers’ developing cultural understandings. The results revealed that the mainly white / mainstream teacher candidates in teacher education programmes bring limited background experiences, prior socialisation, and skills about diversity. Taking a multicultural education course where identity development was a focus, positively influenced teacher candidates’ knowledge and attitudes toward diversity. The results revealed approaches and strategies that matter most in preparing teachers for culturally responsive teaching, including but not exclusively, small group activities and discussions, critical reflection, and field immersion. This suggests that there are already some tools to address the need for the support needed to teach successfully a diversity of pupils and provide in-service training for those already practising the teaching profession. The results provide insight into aspects of teachers’ knowledge about both the linguistic and cultural needs of their students, as well as what constitutes a repertoire of approaches and strategies to assure students’ academic success. Teachers’ knowledge of diversity can be categorised into sound awareness, average awareness, and low awareness. Knowledge of diversity was important in teachers’ abilities to use students’ language and culture to enhance acquisition of academic content, work effectively with multilingual learners’ parents/guardians, learn about the cultural backgrounds of multilingual learners, link multilingual learners’ prior knowledge and experience to instruction, and modify classroom instruction for multilingual learners. These findings support the development of a competency based model and can be used to frame the studies of pre-service teachers, as well as the professional development of practising teachers in increasingly diverse contexts. The present set of studies take on new significance in the current context of increasing waves of migration to Europe in general and Finland in particular. They suggest that teacher education programmes can equip teachers with the necessary attitudes, skills, and knowledge to enable them work effectively with students from different ethnic and language backgrounds as they enter the teaching profession. The findings also help to refine the tools and approaches to measuring the competencies of teachers teaching in mainstream classrooms and candidates in preparation.
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Tutkimuksen tarkoitus on analysoida suomalaisen yrityksen vuonna 2014 kohtaamia riskejä Ukrainassa sekä tutkia sitä, miten niitä hallitaan ja miten ne vaikuttivat yrityksen liiketoimintaan. Ukraina ei ole merkittävä kauppakumppani Suomelle, mutta silti monet suomalaiset yritykset toimivat maassa ja vuoden 2014 kriisin jälkeen maahan on tullut uusia suomalaisia yrityksiä. Ukraina on kooltaan merkittävä markkina-alue, ja sen merkitys saattaa kasvaa kun se on aloittanut siirtymisen kohti EU:ta. Tutkimuksen tarkoituksena on tutkia millaisia riskejä Ukrainan liiketoimintaympäristössä esiintyi vuonna 2014 ja kuinka tutkittu yritys on hallinnut niitä. Tutkimusta varten on suoritettu laadullinen tapaustutkimus, jonka aineisto kerättiin teemahaastatteluiden sekä sähköpostivaihdon avulla. Tämän lisäksi on perehdytty aihetta käsitteleviin journaaleihin, aikakausilehtiin sekä Internet-sivustoihin relevantin ja monipuolisen tiedon hankkimista varten. Teoriapohjana on tutkimuksessa käytetty riskin määritelmää sekä COSO:n kokonaisvaltaista riskinhallintamallia. Tutkimuksessa tehtyjen havaintojen perusteella voidaan todeta, että tutkitun yrityksen riskinhallintatoimenpiteet eivät eronneet merkittävästi COSO:n mallissa esitetyistä, muutamaa poikkeusta lukuun ottamatta. Tutkittaessa suomalaisen yrityksen kohtaamia riskejä Ukrainassa vuonna 2014 huomattiin, että riskit jakautuvat viiteen eri kategoriaan: sosiaalisiin riskeihin, teknisiin riskeihin, henkilöstö riskeihin, poliittisiin riskeihin ja taloudellisiin riskeihin. Tutkimustuloksista huomattiin että yritys vastasi kolmeen eri riskikategoriaan poikkeavalla tavalla verrattuna malliin. Sosiaalisten-, teknisten- ja henkilöstö riskien osalta toimenpiteet erosivat mallissa esitetyistä. Yritys vastasi sosiaalisista riskeistä johtuviin boikotteihin vähentämällä niitä uudelleen brändäämällä tuotteitaan. Teknisiä riskejä hallittiin muuttamalla tuotteita ja tuotantoa uuteen toimintaympäristöön sopiviksi. Henkilöstöriskejä vältettiin olemalla käyttämättä tiettyyn etniseen ryhmään kuuluvia henkilöitä. Tutkimuksessa ilmenneitä riskinhallintakeinoja, jotka poikkesivat COSO:n mallista, ei tullut esille aikaisemmissa akateemisissa tutkimuksissa