20 resultados para persuasion (rhetoric)

em Université de Lausanne, Switzerland


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The tools of visualisation occupy a central place in medicine. Far from being simple accessories of glance, they literally constitute objects of medicine. Such empirical acknowledgement and epistemological position open a vast field of investigation: visual technologies of medical knowledge. This article studies the development and transformation of medical objects which have permitted to assess the role of temporality in the epistemology of medicine. It firstly examines the general problem of the relationships between cinema, animated image and medicine and secondly, the contribution of the German doctor Martin Weiser to medical cinematography as a method. Finally, a typology is sketched out organising the variety of the visual technology of movement under the perspective of the development of specific visual techniques in medicine.

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We study the strategic interaction between a decision maker who needs to take a binary decision but is uncertain about relevant facts and an informed expert who can send a message to the decision maker but has a preference over the decision.We show that the probability that the expert can persuade the decision maker to take the expert's preferred decision is a hump-shaped function of his costs of sending dishonest messages.

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D'une certaine manière, la rhétorique est un art cognitif. L'art de discourir en situation concrète dans l'espoir de faire adhérer l'auditoire à une thèse suppose une forte aptitude cognitive: celle de se représenter la façon dont l'auditoire lui-même se représente une situation rhétorique. Or, à partir du moment où agir sur les représentations d'autrui est facilité par des techniques rhétoriques ou sophistiques, la question de la tromperie verbale s'est immiscée dans des affaires de régulation sociale et, avec elle, des enjeux tant de crédibilité que de crédulité. Dans le cadre démocratique rendant encore plus aiguë une forme de dépendance à l'information d'autrui, la nécessité de croire tout comme la possibilité d'être leurré mettent à l'épreuve tant le fonctionnement social de la Cité que l'évaluation des informations et de leurs auteurs. Le but des contributions de cet ouvrage n'est pas de dénoncer les effets de certains schèmes argumentatifs que d'aucuns jugeraient fallacieux ni d'ajouter une couche nouvelle aux critiques des sophismes, mais d'étudier leur fonctionnement et leurs effets cognitifs hic et nunc. Quels sont les mécanismes langagiers et cognitifs qui expliquent la «performance» des arguments réputés fallacieux? Comment fonctionnent les stratégies rhétoriques à l'intersection entre cognition, sciences du langage et société? Cet ouvrage, issu du colloque Communication et Cognition: manipulation, persuasion et biais dans le langage, tenu à Neuchâtel du 26 au 28 janvier 2011, propose plusieurs propositions originales ou hypothèses stimulantes dans l'espoir qu'elles inspireront tant les chercheurs spécialisés en rhétorique et sciences du langage à aller voir du côté de la psychologie cognitive que les spécialistes de ce domaine à mettre en évidence la rhétoricité de leurs recherches. English version: In a way, rhetoric is a cognitive art. The art of speaking in concrete situations in the hope of gaining the audience's consent on a given issue requires the operation of a cognitive ability: that of being able to represent the way an audience represents itself a rhetorical situation. Nonetheless, once we consider that rhetorical or sophistic techniques influence people's representations, verbal deception becomes a matter of social regulation, together with issues of credibility and credulity. In a democratic context fostering a form of dependence towards other people's information, the necessity of believing everything and the possibility of being duped are challenges for both the social management of the City and the evaluation of information and of its sources. The contribution of the chapters of this volume is neither to be found in the condemnation of the fallacious effects of specific argument schemes nor in the addition of yet another layer to fallacy criticism, but in the study of how fallacies work, hic et nunc. What are the linguistic and cognitive mechanisms at play behind the "performance" of fallacious arguments? How do rhetorical strategies work at the interface of cognition, language science and society? This book gathers papers that were presented during the international conference Communication & Cognition: manipulation, persuasion and biases in language, held at the University of Neuchâtel in January 2011. A number of original proposals and stimulating hypotheses emerge from them: we hope that these will inspire researchers in the language sciences who specialise in rhetoric to take on board cognitive scientific insights but also researchers in cognitive science to engage with the rhetoricity of their own research.

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Entre l'exemplum modèle et le « par exemple » glissé dans une argumentation, on pourrait voir deux mondes distincts, deux rapports de force. Nous y voyons plutôt un continuum entre deux usages rhétoriques de l'exemple. Cet article vise à mettre en exergue la portée persuasive de l'exemple, que celui-ci ait un rôle de modèle ou d'illustration. Après avoir analysé la force rhétorique des locutions « par exemple », « à l'exemple de » et «l'exemple même », nous observerons différentes utilisations d'exemples dans des genres politiques différents : le discours sur la misère de Victor Hugo, deux discours de guerre de Charles de Gaulle et une affiche populiste suisse. Ce corpus vise à vérifier la pertinence ou la constance de certains traits définitoires dégagés à partir des exempla antiques et médiévaux dans la période contemporaine.

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The thesis examines the impact of collective war victimization on individuals' readiness to accept or assign collective guilt for past war atrocities. As a complement to previous studies, its aim is to articulate an integrated approach to collective victimization, which distinguishes between individual-, communal-, and societal-level consequences of warfare. Building on a social representation approach, it is guided by the assumption that individuals form beliefs about a conflict through their personal experiences of victimization, communal experiences of warfare that occur in their proximal surrounding, and the mass- mediatised narratives that circulate in a society's public sphere. Four empirical studies test the hypothesis that individuals' beliefs about the conflict depend on the level and type of war experiences to which they have been exposed, that is, on informative and normative micro and macro contexts in which they are embedded. The studies have been conducted in the context of the Yugoslav wars that attended the breakup of Yugoslavia, a series of wars fought between 1991 and 2001 during which numerous war atrocities were perpetrated causing a massive victimisation of population. To examine the content and impact of war experiences at each level of analysis, the empirical studies employed various methodological strategies, from quantitative analyses of a representative public opinion survey, to qualitative analyses of media content and political speeches. Study 1 examines the impact of individual- and communal- level war experiences on individuals' acceptance and assignment of collective guilt. It further examines the impact of the type of communal level victimization: exposure to symmetric (i.e., violence that similarly affects members of different ethnic groups, including adversaries) and asymmetric violence. The main goal of Study 2 is to examine the structural and political circumstances that enhance collective guilt assignment. While the previous studies emphasize the role of past victimisation, Study 2 tests the assumption that the political demobilisation strategy employed by elites facing public discontent in the collective system-threatening circumstances can fuel out-group blame. Studies 3 and 4 have been conducted predominantly in the context of Croatia and examine rhetoric construction of the dominant politicized narrative of war in a public sphere (Study 3) and its maintenance through public delegitimization of alternative (critical) representations (Study 4). Study 4 further examines the likelihood that highly identified group members adhere to publicly delegitimized critical stances on war. - Cette thèse étudie l'impact de la victimisation collective de guerre sur la capacité des individus à accepter ou à attribuer une culpabilité collective liée à des atrocités commises en temps de guerre. En compléments aux recherches existantes, le but de ce travail est de définir une approche intégrative de la victimisation collective, qui distingue les conséquences de la guerre aux niveaux individuel, régional et sociétal. En partant de l'approche des représentations sociales, cette thèse repose sur le postulat que les individus forment des croyances sur un conflit au travers de leurs expériences personnelles de victimisation, de leurs expériences de guerre lorsque celle-ci se déroule près d'eux, ainsi qu'au travers des récits relayés par les mass media. Quatre études testent l'hypothèse que les croyances des individus dépendent des niveaux et des types d'expériences de guerre auxquels ils ont été exposés, c'est-à-dire, des contextes informatifs et normatifs, micro et macro dans lesquels ils sont insérés. Ces études ont été réalisées dans le contexte des guerres qui, entre 1991 et 2001, ont suivi la dissolution de la Yougoslavie et durant lesquelles de nombreuses atrocités de guerre ont été commises, causant une victimisation massive de la population. Afin d'étudier le contenu et l'impact des expériences de guerre sur chaque niveau d'analyse, différentes stratégies méthodologiques ont été utilisées, des analyses quantitatives sur une enquête représentative d'opinion publique aux analyses qualitatives de contenu de médias et de discours politiques. L'étude 1 étudie l'impact des expériences de guerre individuelles et régionales sur l'acceptation et l'attribution de la culpabilité collective par les individus. Elle examine aussi l'impact du type de victimisation régionale : exposition à la violence symétrique (i.e., violence qui touche les membres de différents groupes ethniques, y compris les adversaires) et asymétrique. L'étude 2 se penche sur les circonstances structurelles et politiques qui augmentent l'attribution de culpabilité collective. Alors que les recherches précédentes ont mis l'accent sur le rôle de la victimisation passée, l'étude 2 teste l'hypothèse que la stratégie de démobilisation politique utilisée par les élites pour faire face à l'insatisfaction publique peut encourager l'attribution de la culpabilité à l'exogroupe. Les études 3 et 4 étudient, principalement dans le contexte croate, la construction rhétorique du récit de guerre politisé dominant (étude 3) et son entretien à travers la délégitimation publique des représentations alternatives (critiques] (étude 4). L'étude 4 examine aussi la probabilité qu'ont les membres de groupe fortement identifiés d'adhérer à des points de vue sur la guerre critiques et publiquement délégitimés.

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Since 2007, the Interdisciplinary Ethics Platform (Ethos) of the University of Lausanne is leading an interdisciplinary reflection on the organ donation decision. On this basis, the project "Organ transplantation between the rhetoric of the gift and a biomedical view of the body" studies the logics at stake in the organ donation decision-making process. Results highlight many tensions within practices and public discourses in the field of organ donation and transplantation and suggest lines of inquiry for future adjustments.

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The groundbreaking and prophetic rhetoric of neuroscience has recently highlighted the fetal brain as the most promising organ for understanding why transsexuals feel "trapped in the wrong body", and for predicting whether children born with "ambiguous" genitalia will grow up to feel like a man or a woman.This article proposes a recent history of the cerebralization of intersexuality and of transsexuality as atypical neurodevelopmental conditions. It examines the ways in which the organizational theory of brain sex differentiation developed in the late 1950s in behavioral neuroendocrinology has gained increased prominence in and through controversies over best practice issues in the case management of intersex newborns, and the etiology of transsexuality.It focuses on the American context and on the leading warrior in this battle: Milton Diamond, now a most prominent figure in professional debates about the clinical management of intersexuality, and the intersex person's best friend. Persons with an intersexed or transsexual condition consider, not their gonads, but their brains, their core sense of self, as the primary determinant of sex. (Diamond and Beh 2005, 6-7, note 1)

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Motherhood and reproduction have been at the core of the feminist discourse about women's rights ever since its onset. For the first and second feminist movements, the right to abortion and the public recognition of motherhood have been main issues in the discourse on reproduction. Since the last two dec- ades of the 20th century, the potentials of assisted reproductive technologies (ART) have opened up new venues of feminist discourse.In this paper we sketch the main feminist lines of argumentation regarding motherhood and reproduction since the 1970s, and we identify specific shifts in their recurrent issues. We argue that an essential contribution of feminism to the understanding of motherhood as a structuring category has been its insis- tence on the distinction between biological and social motherhood. Feminist discourse shows how ART has further decomposed biological motherhood and has altered the meaning of motherhood and reproduction. Feminist analysis maintains that despite the rhetoric of choice surrounding ART, these technolo- gies have not increased women's reproductive freedom. The decomposition of biological motherhood, the medical, legal, and commercial development of re- production, and the change in the social perception of motherhood have rather established new forms of control over female reproduction.

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This essay focuses on how Spielberg's film engages with and contributes to the myth of Lincoln as a super-natural figure, a saint more than a hero or great statesman, while anchoring his moral authority in the sentimental rhetoric of the domestic sphere. It is this use of the melodramatic mode, linking the familial space with the national through the trope of the victim-hero, which is the essay's main concern. With Tony Kushner, author of Angels in America, as scriptwriter, it is perhaps not surprising that melodrama is the operative mode in the film. One of the issues that emerge from this analysis is how the film updates melodrama for a contemporary audience in order to minimize what could be perceived as manipulative sentimental devices, observing for most of the film an aesthetic of relative sobriety and realism. In the last hour, and especially the final minutes of the film, melodramatic conventions are deployed in full force and infused with hagiographic iconography to produce a series of emotionally charged moments that create a perfect union of American Civil Religion and classical melodrama. The cornerstone of both cultural paradigms, as deployed in this film, is death: Lincoln's at the hands of an assassin, and the Civil War soldiers', poignantly depicted at key moments of the film. Finally, the essay shows how film melodrama as a genre weaves together the private and the public, the domestic with the national, the familial with the military, and links pathos to politics in a carefully choreographed narrative of sentimentalized mythopoesis.

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Lancé en 1963 par le président Ngô Ðình Diệm, le programme chiêu hồi visait à susciter des défections dans les rangs Viêt cộng. Sa première phase, dite de persuasion, consistait en un intense effort de propagande réalisé par le largage de milliards de tracts, la diffusion de messages par haut-parleur aérien, l'affichage de banderoles ou de posters et plus généralement l'utilisation de tous les canaux de communication possibles. S'y ajoutait le déploiement d'unités de propagande armées, composées d'anciens Viêt cộng, chargées de plus particulièrement cibler les groupes prioritairement visés par les messages du programme. Le programme chiêu hồi fut la plus massive des opérations psychologiques conduites lors de la guerre du Vietnam et sans doute la plus importante des actions de guerre psychologique de l'histoire.