The effectiveness of a standardised preoperative preparation in reducing child and parent anxiety: a single-blind randomised controlled trial.

AIMS: To evaluate the effect of a structured preoperative preparation on child and parent state anxiety, child behavioural change and parent satisfaction. BACKGROUND: It is estimated that around 50-70% of hospitalised children experience severe anxiety and distress prior to surgery. Children who are highly anxious and distressed preoperatively are likely to be distressed on awakening and have negative postoperative behaviour. Although education before surgery has been found to be useful mostly in North America, the effectiveness of preoperative preparation programme adapted to the Australian context remains to be tested. DESIGN: This single-blind randomised controlled study was conducted at a tertiary referral hospital for children in Western Australia. METHODS: Following ethics approval and parental consent, 73 children and one of their carers (usually a parent) were randomly assigned into two groups. The control group had standard practice with no specific preoperative education and the experimental group received a preoperative preparation, including a photo file, demonstration of equipment using a role-modelling approach and a tour. RESULTS: The preoperative preparation reduced parent state anxiety significantly (-2·32, CI -4·06 to -0·56, p = 0·009), but not child anxiety (-0·59, CI -1·23 to 0·06, p = 0·07). There was no significant difference in child postoperative behaviour or parent satisfaction between the groups. There was a significant two-point pain score reduction in the preoperative preparation group, when compared with the control group median 2 (IQR 5) and 4 (IQR 4), respectively (p = 0·001).¦CONCLUSIONS: Preoperative preparation was more efficient on parent than child. Although the preoperative preparation had limited effect on child anxiety, it permitted to decrease pain experience in the postoperative period.¦RELEVANCE TO CLINICAL PRACTICE: Parents should be actively involved in their child preoperative preparation.

Novel Approach Identifies SNPs in SLC2A10 and KCNK9 with Evidence for Parent-of-Origin Effect on Body Mass Index.

The phenotypic effect of some single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) depends on their parental origin. We present a novel approach to detect parent-of-origin effects (POEs) in genome-wide genotype data of unrelated individuals. The method exploits increased phenotypic variance in the heterozygous genotype group relative to the homozygous groups. We applied the method to >56,000 unrelated individuals to search for POEs influencing body mass index (BMI). Six lead SNPs were carried forward for replication in five family-based studies (of ∼4,000 trios). Two SNPs replicated: the paternal rs2471083-C allele (located near the imprinted KCNK9 gene) and the paternal rs3091869-T allele (located near the SLC2A10 gene) increased BMI equally (beta = 0.11 (SD), P<0.0027) compared to the respective maternal alleles. Real-time PCR experiments of lymphoblastoid cell lines from the CEPH families showed that expression of both genes was dependent on parental origin of the SNPs alleles (P<0.01). Our scheme opens new opportunities to exploit GWAS data of unrelated individuals to identify POEs and demonstrates that they play an important role in adult obesity.

Renforcer la participation politique : une approche évaluative du projet du Bureau lausannois pour les immigrés "Votre Ville, Votre Vie, Votre Voix"

Ce mémoire de recherche a pour thématique la participation politique, dans son acception large. Celle-ci est abordée sous un angle novateur, celui des politiques publiques. Les objectifs sont, d'une part, de déterminer les mécanismes mis en place pour renforcer la participation politique et, d'autre part, d'en évaluer les impacts. L'étude consiste en une étude de cas du projet « Votre Ville, Votre Vie, Votre Voix » développé par le Bureau lausannois pour les immigrés. Plus précisément, deux sortes d'activités menées entre mars et juin 2014 dans le cadre de ce projet ont été sélectionnées pour l'évaluation : une séance d'information sur les droits politiques et des visites d'institutions politiques. Pour ce faire, une dizaine de participants à ces activités ont été interviewés. Les résultats de l'étude mettent en évidence des impacts marqués sur les facteurs de la participation politique liés aux affects ou aux opinions et des impacts moins nets sur la compétence politique et sur les différentes composantes du comportement politique. Ces différents effets ressortent enfin plus clairement chez les interviewés ayant participé aux visites qu'à la séance.

Citizen participation and the Lisbon Treaty : A legal perspective

How to "bring the [European] Union closer to its citizens" is a vexed and vital problem of European integration. Article 11 TEU on participatory democracy, recently introduced by the Lisbon Treaty, is meant to be part of the solution. The EU Economic and Social Committee has gone so far as to define this provision "a milestone on the road to a people's Europe that is real and feasible". This appears to be an overly optimistic assessment - partly because art. 11 relies heavily on the involvement of civil society organisations, which political science literature suggests is conceptually and/or practically irrelevant to citizen involvement; partly because it largely formalizes participatory practices that have been in existence for years without cognizable effects on citizen participation; and partly because even its most innovative element - the European citizens' initiative (ECI) - does not bring significant changes to the Union's constitutional arrangements in terms of redistributing decision-making power. In addition to that, secondary legislation places significant hurdles on the submission of ECIs and might prevent or delay their becoming a standard democratic practice. This is not to say that art. 11 TEU has no potential at all. Its insertion in the Treaty might provide impetus to rethink and develop past participatory practices, such as horizontal civil dialogue. Moreover, the effects of "popular input" in the form of ECIs on EU institutional dynamics is as yet unknown - and perhaps not negligible, to judge from the keen interest that the European Parliament and other bodies have demonstrated in "appropriating" it as a political asset. Finally, art. 11 raises the stakes of the Union's democratic challenge and might pressure EU institutions to make full use of its potential. Or, if eventually proved inadequate, art. 11 might constitute a constitutional experiment on the way to meaningful forms of direct democracy at EU level.