Breakpoints in ventilation, cerebral and muscle oxygenation, and muscle activity during an incremental cycling exercise.

The aim of this study was to locate the breakpoints of cerebral and muscle oxygenation and muscle electrical activity during a ramp exercise in reference to the first and second ventilatory thresholds. Twenty-five cyclists completed a maximal ramp test on an electromagnetically braked cycle-ergometer with a rate of increment of 25 W/min. Expired gazes (breath-by-breath), prefrontal cortex and vastus lateralis (VL) oxygenation [Near-infrared spectroscopy (NIRS)] together with electromyographic (EMG) Root Mean Square (RMS) activity for the VL, rectus femoris (RF), and biceps femoris (BF) muscles were continuously assessed. There was a non-linear increase in both cerebral deoxyhemoglobin (at 56 ± 13% of the exercise) and oxyhemoglobin (56 ± 8% of exercise) concomitantly to the first ventilatory threshold (57 ± 6% of exercise, p > 0.86, Cohen's d < 0.1). Cerebral deoxyhemoglobin further increased (87 ± 10% of exercise) while oxyhemoglobin reached a plateau/decreased (86 ± 8% of exercise) after the second ventilatory threshold (81 ± 6% of exercise, p < 0.05, d > 0.8). We identified one threshold only for muscle parameters with a non-linear decrease in muscle oxyhemoglobin (78 ± 9% of exercise), attenuation in muscle deoxyhemoglobin (80 ± 8% of exercise), and increase in EMG activity of VL (89 ± 5% of exercise), RF (82 ± 14% of exercise), and BF (85 ± 9% of exercise). The thresholds in BF and VL EMG activity occurred after the second ventilatory threshold (p < 0.05, d > 0.6). Our results suggest that the metabolic and ventilatory events characterizing this latter cardiopulmonary threshold may affect both cerebral and muscle oxygenation levels, and in turn, muscle recruitment responses.

Maximal aerobic power during running and cycling in obese and non-obese children.

The maximal aerobic capacity while running and cycling was measured in 22 prepubertal children (mean age +/- SD 9.5 +/- 0.8 years): 14 obese (47.3 +/- 10 kg) and 8 non-obese (31.1 +/- 6.1 kg). Oxygen consumption (VO2) and carbon dioxide production were measured by an open circuit method. Steady state VO2 was determined at different levels of exercise up to the maximal power on the cycloergometer (92 W in obese and 77 W in non-obese subjects) and up to the maximal running speed on the treadmill at a 2% slope (8.3 km/h in obese and 9.0 km/h in lean children). Expressed in absolute values, the VO2max in obese children was significantly higher than in controls (1.55 +/- 0.29 l/min versus 1.23 +/- 0.22 l/min, p < 0.05) for the treadmill test and comparable in the two groups (1.4 +/- 0.2 l/min versus 1.16 +/- 0.2 l/min, ns) for the cycloergometer test. When VO2max was expressed per kg fat free mass, the difference between the two groups disappeared for both tests. These data suggest that obese children had no limitation of maximal aerobic power. Therefore, the magnitude of the workload prescribed when a physical activity program is intended for the therapy of childhood obesity, it should be designed to increase caloric output rather than to improve cardiorespiratory fitness.

Renforcer la participation politique : une approche évaluative du projet du Bureau lausannois pour les immigrés "Votre Ville, Votre Vie, Votre Voix"

Ce mémoire de recherche a pour thématique la participation politique, dans son acception large. Celle-ci est abordée sous un angle novateur, celui des politiques publiques. Les objectifs sont, d'une part, de déterminer les mécanismes mis en place pour renforcer la participation politique et, d'autre part, d'en évaluer les impacts. L'étude consiste en une étude de cas du projet « Votre Ville, Votre Vie, Votre Voix » développé par le Bureau lausannois pour les immigrés. Plus précisément, deux sortes d'activités menées entre mars et juin 2014 dans le cadre de ce projet ont été sélectionnées pour l'évaluation : une séance d'information sur les droits politiques et des visites d'institutions politiques. Pour ce faire, une dizaine de participants à ces activités ont été interviewés. Les résultats de l'étude mettent en évidence des impacts marqués sur les facteurs de la participation politique liés aux affects ou aux opinions et des impacts moins nets sur la compétence politique et sur les différentes composantes du comportement politique. Ces différents effets ressortent enfin plus clairement chez les interviewés ayant participé aux visites qu'à la séance.

Citizen participation and the Lisbon Treaty : A legal perspective

How to "bring the [European] Union closer to its citizens" is a vexed and vital problem of European integration. Article 11 TEU on participatory democracy, recently introduced by the Lisbon Treaty, is meant to be part of the solution. The EU Economic and Social Committee has gone so far as to define this provision "a milestone on the road to a people's Europe that is real and feasible". This appears to be an overly optimistic assessment - partly because art. 11 relies heavily on the involvement of civil society organisations, which political science literature suggests is conceptually and/or practically irrelevant to citizen involvement; partly because it largely formalizes participatory practices that have been in existence for years without cognizable effects on citizen participation; and partly because even its most innovative element - the European citizens' initiative (ECI) - does not bring significant changes to the Union's constitutional arrangements in terms of redistributing decision-making power. In addition to that, secondary legislation places significant hurdles on the submission of ECIs and might prevent or delay their becoming a standard democratic practice. This is not to say that art. 11 TEU has no potential at all. Its insertion in the Treaty might provide impetus to rethink and develop past participatory practices, such as horizontal civil dialogue. Moreover, the effects of "popular input" in the form of ECIs on EU institutional dynamics is as yet unknown - and perhaps not negligible, to judge from the keen interest that the European Parliament and other bodies have demonstrated in "appropriating" it as a political asset. Finally, art. 11 raises the stakes of the Union's democratic challenge and might pressure EU institutions to make full use of its potential. Or, if eventually proved inadequate, art. 11 might constitute a constitutional experiment on the way to meaningful forms of direct democracy at EU level.