The normative dimension of social life from a second-person perspective

This thesis argues that insofar as we want to account for the normative dimension of social life, we must be careful to avoid construing that normative dimension in such a way as to exclude that which the second-person perspective reveals is important to social life and our ability to participate in it.¦The second-person perspective reveals that social life ought to be understood as a mix or balance of the regular and the irregular, where, in addition, those one interacts with are always to some extent experienced as other in a way that is neither immediately, nor perhaps ultimately, understandable. For persons to be able to participate in social life, conceived of in this way, they must have abilities that allow them to be, to some extent, hesitant and tentative in their relations with others, and thus tolerant of ambiguity, uncertainty and unpredictability, and responsive to and capable of learning from the otherness of others in the course of interacting with them.¦Incorporating the second-person perspective means we have to make some changes to the way we think about the normative in general, and the normative dimension of social life in particular. It does not mean giving up on the distinction between the normative and the regular - that continues to be fundamentally important but it does mean not excluding, as part of social life and as worthy of explanation, all that which is irregular. A radical way of putting it would be to say that there must be a sense in which the irregular is part of the normative. A less radical way, and the way adopted by this thesis, is to say that any account of the normative dimension of social life must not be such as to exclude the importance of irregularity from social life. This will mean 1) not characterising conventions, norms and rules as determinants of appropriateness and inappropriateness; 2) not thinking of them as necessary; 3) not thinking of them as necessarily governing minds; and 4) not thinking of them as necessarily shared.¦-¦L'argument principal de la thèse est que, pour rendre compte de la dimension normative de la vie sociale, il faut veiller à ne pas exclure la perspective de la deuxième personne - une perspective importante pour comprendre la vie sociale et la capacité requise pour y participer.¦Cette perspective nous permet d'imaginer la vie sociale comme un mélange ou un équilibre entre le régulier et l'irrégulier, l'interaction entre des individus pouvant être appréhendée comme l'expérience de chaque personne avec «l'autre» d'une manière qui n'est pas immédiatement compréhensible, et qui ne peut pas, peut-être, être ultimement comprise. Pour participer à la vie sociale, l'on doit avoir la capacité de rester hésitant et «réactif» dans ses relations avec les autres, de rester ouvert à leur altérité et de tolérer l'ambiguïté, l'incertitude et l'imprévisibilité des interactions sociales.¦Adopter une perspective «à la deuxième personne» conduit à une autre manière de penser la normativité en général, et la dimension normative de la vie sociale en particulier. Cela ne veut pas dire qu'il faut abandonner la distinction entre le normatif et le régulier - une distinction qui garde une importance fondamentale - mais qu'il faut reconnaître l'irrégulier comme faisant partie de la vie sociale et comme étant digne, en tant que tel, d'être expliqué. Une conception radicale pourrait même concevoir l'irrégulier comme faisant partie intégrante de la normativité. Une approche moins radicale, qui est celle adoptée dans cette thèse, est de dire que tout compte-rendu de la dimension normative de la vie sociale doit prendre en considération l'importance de l'irrégularité dans la vie sociale. Une telle approche implique que les conventions, normes et règles (1) ne déterminent pas ce qui est approprié ou inapproprié; (2) ne sont pas toujours nécessaires ; (3) ne gouvernent pas le fonctionnement de l'esprit ; et (4) ne sont pas nécessairement partagées.

Socioeconomic status, structural and functional measures of social support, and mortality: The British Whitehall II Cohort Study, 1985-2009.

The authors examined the associations of social support with socioeconomic status (SES) and with mortality, as well as how SES differences in social support might account for SES differences in mortality. Analyses were based on 9,333 participants from the British Whitehall II Study cohort, a longitudinal cohort established in 1985 among London-based civil servants who were 35-55 years of age at baseline. SES was assessed using participant's employment grades at baseline. Social support was assessed 3 times in the 24.4-year period during which participants were monitored for death. In men, marital status, and to a lesser extent network score (but not low perceived support or high negative aspects of close relationships), predicted both all-cause and cardiovascular mortality. Measures of social support were not associated with cancer mortality. Men in the lowest SES category had an increased risk of death compared with those in the highest category (for all-cause mortality, hazard ratio = 1.59, 95% confidence interval: 1.21, 2.08; for cardiovascular mortality, hazard ratio = 2.48, 95% confidence interval: 1.55, 3.92). Network score and marital status combined explained 27% (95% confidence interval: 14, 43) and 29% (95% confidence interval: 17, 52) of the associations between SES and all-cause and cardiovascular mortality, respectively. In women, there was no consistent association between social support indicators and mortality. The present study suggests that in men, social isolation is not only an important risk factor for mortality but is also likely to contribute to differences in mortality by SES.

Prevalence of social phobia in a clinical sample of drug dependent patients.

INTRODUCTION: Social phobia is among the most frequent psychiatric disorders and can be classified into two subtypes, nongeneralized and generalized. Whereas it significantly worsens the morbidity of comorbid substance abuse disorders, and it often is associated with reduced treatment responses, there is still lacking data on its prevalence in clinical populations of drug abusing patients. METHODS: The study sample consisted of 75 inpatients and 75 outpatients meeting DSM-IV criteria for drug dependence. Symptoms of social phobia were assessed with the French-language version of the Liebowitz Social Anxiety Scale (LSAS). RESULTS: Prevalence rate were 20% for the generalized subtype and 42.6% for the nongeneralized subtype. Gender difference emerged in the severity of fear, women reporting significantly greater fear relating to performance situations than men. CONCLUSIONS: An important proportion of patients with substance dependence present a comorbid generalized or nongeneralized social phobia. Early recognition of social phobia and adequate interventions is warranted for these patients in order to improve their treatment response with regard to quality of life and relapse prevention.

The impact of social relationships on the maintenance of independence in advanced old age: findings of a Swiss Longitudinal Study .

The impact of social relationships on the maintenance of independence over periods of 12-18 months in a group of 306 octogenarians is assessed in this study. The study is based on the results of the Swilsoo (Swiss Interdisciplinary Longitudinal Study on the Oldest Old). Participants (80-84 years old at baseline) were interviewed five times between 1994 and 1999. Independence was defined as the capacity to perform without assistance eight activities of daily living. We distinguished in our analyses kinship and friendship networks and evaluated social relationships with the help of a series of variables serving as indicators of network composition and contact frequency. Logistic regression models were used to identify the short-term effects of social relationships on independence, after controlling for sociodemographic and health-related variables; independence at a given wave of interviews was interpreted in the light of social factors measured at the previous wave. Our analyses indicate that the existence of a close friend has a significant impact on the maintenance of independence (OR=1.58, p<0.05), which is not the case with the other variables concerning network composition. Kinship contacts were also observed to have a positive impact on independence (OR=1.12, p<0.01).

The ghost of social environments past: dominance relationships include current interactions and experience carried over from previous groups.

Dominance hierarchies pervade animal societies. Within a static social environment, in which group size and composition are unchanged, an individual's hierarchy rank results from intrinsic (e.g. body size) and extrinsic (e.g. previous experiences) factors. Little is known, however, about how dominance relationships are formed and maintained when group size and composition are dynamic. Using a fusion-fission protocol, we fused groups of previously isolated shore crabs (Carcinus maenas) into larger groups, and then restored groups to their original size and composition. Pre-fusion hierarchies formed independently of individuals' sizes, and were maintained within a static group via winner/loser effects. Post-fusion hierarchies differed from pre-fusion ones; losing fights during fusion led to a decline in an individual's rank between pre- and post-fusion conditions, while spending time being aggressive during fusion led to an improvement in rank. In post-fusion tanks, larger individuals achieved better ranks than smaller individuals. In conclusion, dominance hierarchies in crabs represent a complex combination of intrinsic and extrinsic factors, in which experiences from previous groups can carry over to affect current competitive interactions.

Effects of social support on the clinical course of Crohn's disease.

BACKGROUND: Social support has been found to be protective from adverse health effects of psychological stress. We hypothesized that higher social support would predict a more favorable course of Crohn's disease (CD) directly (main effect hypothesis) and via moderating other prognostic factors (buffer hypothesis). METHODS: Within a multicenter cohort study we observed 597 adults with CD for 18 months. We assessed social support using the ENRICHD Social Support Inventory. Flares, nonresponse to therapy, complications, and extraintestinal manifestations were recorded as a combined endpoint indicating disease deterioration. We controlled for several demographic, psychosocial, and clinical variables of potential prognostic importance. We used multivariate binary logistic regression to estimate the overall effect of social support on the odds of disease deterioration and to explore main and moderator effects of social support by probing interactions with other predictors. RESULTS: The odds of disease deterioration decreased by 1.5 times (95% confidence interval [CI]: 1.2-1.9) for an increase of one standard deviation (SD) of social support. In case of low body mass index (BMI) (i.e., 1 SD below the mean or <19 kg/m(2)), the odds decreased by 1.8 times for an increase of 1 SD of social support. In case of low social support, the odds increased by 2.1 times for a decrease of 1 SD of BMI. Low BMI was not predictive under high social support. CONCLUSIONS: The findings suggest that elevated social support may favorably affect the clinical course of CD, particularly in patients with low BMI. (Inflamm Bowel Dis 2010;).

The combination of social and personal contexts affects dominance hierarchy development in shore crabs, Carcinus maenas

Many animals that live in groups maintain competitive relationships, yet avoid continual fighting, by forming dominance hierarchies. We compare predictions of stochastic, individual-based models with empirical experimental evidence using shore crabs to test competing hypotheses regarding hierarchy development. The models test (1) what information individuals use when deciding to fight or retreat, (2) how past experience affects current resource-holding potential, and (3) how individuals deal with changes to the social environment. First, we conclude that crabs assess only their own state and not their opponent's when deciding to fight or retreat. Second, willingness to enter, and performance in, aggressive contests are influenced by previous contest outcomes. Winning increases the likelihood of both fighting and winning future interactions, while losing has the opposite effect. Third, when groups with established dominance hierarchies dissolve and new groups form, individuals reassess their ranks, showing no memory of previous rank or group affiliation. With every change in group composition, individuals fight for their new ranks. This iterative process carries over as groups dissolve and form, which has important implications for the relationship between ability and hierarchy rank. We conclude that dominance hierarchies emerge through an interaction of individual and social factors, and discuss these findings in terms of an underlying mechanism. Overall, our results are consistent with crabs using a cumulative assessment strategy iterated across changes in group composition, in which aggression is constrained by an absolute threshold in energy spent and damage received while fighting.