38 resultados para participation in STEM

em Consorci de Serveis Universitaris de Catalunya (CSUC), Spain


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This paper presents empirical evidence on firms’ decisions to cooperate in R&D and the extent to which government sponsored R&D programs increase cooperation. Using a sample of firms from the Spanish innovation survey we jointly estimate the determinants of firm participation in R&D programs and of choice of cooperation partners. We find that (i) firms participating in national and European programs have different profiles, suggesting program complementarity; (ii) private-private and publicprivate cooperation are associated on average with firms with different characteristics, and (iii) national R&D programs seem to have a positive effect on all types of cooperation, but especially on public-private partnerships.

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In the light of first-hand data from a Beninese urban household survey in Cotonou, we investigate several motives aiming to explain participation in Rotating Savings and Credit Associations. We provide anecdotal pieces of evidence, descriptive statistics, FIML regressions and matching estimates which tend to indicate that most individuals use their participation in a rosca as a device to commit themselves to save money and to deal with self-control problems.

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English translation of the Executive summary of the report “Catalonia’s participation in calls of the EU 7th Framework Programme for RTD. Period 2007-2009” drawn up by researchers of the AQR Research Group – Research Institute of Applied Economics (IREA) of the University of Barcelona. It aims to find out the reality of the Catalonia’s participation in the EU 7th Framework Programme, the main European financial instrument for research during the period 2007-2009.

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We offer new evidence on multi-level determinants of the gender division of housework. Using data from the 2004 European Social Survey (ESS) for 26 European, we study the micro and macro-level factors which increase the likelihood of men doing an equal or greater share of housework than their female partners. A sample of 11,915 young men and women is analysed with a multi-level logistic regression in order to test at individual level the classic relative-income, time-availability and gender-role values, and a new couple conflict hypothesis. At individual level we find significant relationships between relative resources, values, couple's disagreement, and the division of housework which support more economic dependency than "doing gender" perspectives. At the macro-level, we find important composition effects and also support for gender empowerment, family model and social stratification explanations of cross-country differences.

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Este artículo se centra en el análisis de la participación de los estudiantes en el gobierno de la universidad y muestra específicamente las principales dificultades que hay para ella y las propuestas que pueden facilitar la implicación de los estudiantes en el funcionamiento de las universidades. A partir de una investigación desarrollada durante los cursos 2007-08 y 2008-09, en la que se utilizaron cuestionarios y grupos de discusión con estudiantes y entrevistas dirigidas al profesorado, se obtiene información sobre los principales obstáculos para la participación estudiantil. El estudio realizado muestra que, de acuerdo con la tónica general reflejada en otras investigaciones sobre esta misma temática en nuestro contexto, la participación de los estudiantes en los distintos estamentos universitarios es escasa. Ahora bien, la metodología seguida en esta investigación permite contrastar las opiniones de los estudiantes con las percepciones del profesorado y obtener así matices significativos que muestran las principales direcciones que hay que tomar para facilitar un cambio de orientación en el asunto. Los cambios que debemos emprender están relacionados no solo con la mejora de los mecanismos de información acerca de los canales de participación, sino también con el replanteamiento de los procesos participativos por parte de la universidad, así como del papel del profesorado y, específicamente, de los coordinadores de los órganos de gestión más próximos a los estudiantes. En las conclusiones del documento se presentan las propuestas de mejora dirigidas a potenciar la implicación de los estudiantes en el funcionamiento universitario. Entre ellas se apuntan las siguientes: mejorar la información y los canales de comunicación con los estudiantes, mejorar los procesos electorales, ofrecer formación a los estudiantes para la participación y formación al profesorado acerca de las metodologías, recursos e instrumentos que pueden repercutir en la motivación de los estudiantes

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Peer-reviewed

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This article examines the participation of Spanish older people in formal, non-formal and informal learning activities and presents a profile of participants in each kind of learning activity. We used data from a nationally representative sample of Spanish people between 60 and 75 years old (n = 4,703). The data were extracted from the 2007 Encuesta sobre la Participación de la Población Adulta en Actividades de Aprendizaje (EADA, Survey on Adult Population Involvement in Learning Activities). Overall, only 22.8 % of the sample participated in a learning activity. However, there was wide variation in the participation rates for the different types of activity. Informal activities were far more common than formal ones. Multivariate logistic regression indicated that education level and involvement in social and cultural activities were associated with likelihood of participating, regardless of the type of learning activity. When these variables were taken into account, age did not predict decreasing participation, at least in non-formal and informal activities. Implications for further research, future trends and policies to promote older adult education are discussed.

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The purpose of this article is to offer a practical approach to the new European dimension for regional parliaments signified by the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon. The parliamentary scrutiny of subsidiarity by way of the early warning system has assigned a new mission to legislative assemblies with the aim of reinforcing the intervention of regions in the drafting of policies by Union institutions. In the Spanish case, the institutionalisation of this mechanism came about with Act nº 24/2009, which attributes to the Joint Committee for the European Union, in the name of the Cortes Generales [the Spanish Parliament], the function of receiving the proposals for legislative acts by the EU and transferring them to the regional parliaments in order for the latter to issue, in a brief period of four weeks, a report on compliance with the principle of subsidiarity. The majority of regional parliaments have also carried out normative reforms to regulate the procedure of participation in the early warning system.

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This article focuses on the analysis of the regulatory framework of citizen participation in the local government, which organises direct and participatory democracy at the local level, and identifies the laws and mechanisms through which the constitutional requirements for participation are accomplished. Mu nicipalities, the authority closest to citizens, are the best level of government since they directly involve civil society in the decision-making process experiencing the scope and appropriateness of the instruments by which it is channeled.

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An abundant scientific literature about climate change economics points out that the future participation of developing countries in international environmental policies will depend on their amount of pay offs inside and outside specific agreements. These studies are aimed at analyzing coalitions stability typically through a game theoretical approach. Though these contributions represent a corner stone in the research field investigating future plausible international coalitions and the reasons behind the difficulties incurred over time to implement emissions stabilizing actions, they cannot disentangle satisfactorily the role that equality play in inducing poor regions to tackle global warming. If we focus on the Stern Review findings stressing that climate change will generate heavy damages and policy actions will be costly in a finite time horizon, we understand why there is a great incentive to free ride in order to exploit benefits from emissions reduction efforts of others. The reluctance of poor countries in joining international agreements is mainly supported by historical responsibility of rich regions in generating atmospheric carbon concentration, whereas rich countries claim that emissions stabilizing policies will be effective only when developing countries will join them.Scholars recently outline that a perceived fairness in the distribution of emissions would facilitate a wide spread participation in international agreements. In this paper we overview the literature about distributional aspects of emissions by focusing on those contributions investigating past trends of emissions distribution through empirical data and future trajectories through simulations obtained by integrated assessment models. We will explain methodologies used to elaborate data and the link between real data and those coming from simulations. Results from this strand of research will be interpreted in order to discuss future negotiations for post Kyoto agreements that will be the focus of the next. Conference of the Parties in Copenhagen at the end of 2009. A particular attention will be devoted to the role that technological change will play in affecting the distribution of emissions over time and to how spillovers and experience diffusion could influence equality issues and future outcomes of policy negotiations.

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Every year, the World Economic Forum publishes the World Gender Gap Report mainly based on the results of the Global Gender Gap Index (GGGI) computed by country. This index is made out of four subindexes to capture the magnitude of the gender gap in 4 areas: educational attainment, economic participation and opportunity, political empowerment, and health and survival; its methodology was reformed in 2006. In this paper we adapt the GGGI to construct a Regional Gender Gap Index (RGGI) and we compute it by regions (Comunidades Autónomas) in Spain with 2006 data. The RGGI could be applied to other regions. Results of the RGGI show that not only are there gender gap differences between Spanish regions in Spain, but that there are at the political empowerment and economic participation and opportunity categories that those differences are strongest. Geographic distribution of the gender gap shows that the deepest gaps are, in general, located in the northern regions (Euskadi, with a high score, and Murcia and Extremadura, with low scores, being exceptions); this is mainly due to the poor participation in politics of women in those regions.