28 resultados para open government, political divide, physical divide, natural law theory
em Consorci de Serveis Universitaris de Catalunya (CSUC), Spain
Resumo:
Projecte de recerca elaborat a partir d’una estada a la London School of Economics and Political Science, United Kingdom, entre 2007 i 2009. L’objecte principal del projecte ha estat analitzar les implicacions jurídico-polítiques i institucionals d’una teoria de la justícia i la igualtat liberals aplicada a societats multiculturals amb un marcat predomini de la diversitat cultural. L’anàlisi desenvolupa una línia d'investigació interdisciplinar - entre el dret i la teoria política - iniciada en una tesis doctoral sobre multiculturalisme i drets de les minories culturals (UPF, 2000) que va culminar en la publicació de Group Rights as Human Rights (Springer, 2006). La recerca adopta com a punt de partida les conclusions de l'esmentada obra, en especial, la rellevància del reconeixement de drets col•lectius; tanmateix, el tipus de qüestions plantejades, l’enfoc i la metodologia emprades són substancialment diferents. En concret, s'adrecen preguntes específiques sobre el model i aspiracions del constitucionalisme democràtic i el paper del dret en contextos multiculturals. També s’atorga un pes central a la dimensió institucional dels models de gestió de la diversitat que s’analitzen, prioritzant un enfocament comparatiu a partir de l’estudi de controvèrsies concretes. L’objectiu és superar algunes limitacions importants de la literatura actual, com ara la tendència a examinar en abstracte la compatibilitat de determinades demandes amb el constitucionalisme democràtic, sense abordar el funcionament d'estratègies de gestió de la diversitat cultural emprades en contextos concrets. Els treballs producte d'aquest projecte articulen les línies bàsiques d’un model pluralista, basat en principis més que en regles, que desafia els plantejaments dominants actualment. Aquest model es caracteritza pel compromís amb la legitimitat i igualtat comparatives, rebutjant el paternalisme i les visions liberals típiques sobre el paper de la regulació. La presumpció de l’“standing” moral dels grups identitaris és fonamental per tal de considerar-los interlocutors vàlids amb interessos genuïns. També s’argumenta que la integració social en contextos multiculturals no depèn tant de l’eliminació del conflicte sinó, sobre tot, d’una gestió eficient que eviti abusos de poder sistemàtics. El model defensa el rol del dret en la institucionalització del diàleg intercultural, però admet que el diàleg no necessàriament condueix a l’acord o a una estructura reguladora coherent i uniforme. Les aspiracions del ordre jurídic pluralista són més modestes: afavorir la negociació i resolució en cada conflicte, malgrat la persistència de la fragmentació i la provisionalitat dels acords. La manca d'un marc regulador comú esdevé una virtut en la mesura que permet la interacció de diferents subordres; una interacció governada per una multiplicitat de regles no necessàriament harmòniques. Els avantatges i problemes d’aquest model s'analitzen a partir de l'anàlisi de l’estructura fragmentària de l'ordre jurídic internacional i del règim Europeu de drets humans.
Resumo:
This article presents a formal model of policy decision-making in an institutional framework of separation of powers in which the main actors are pivotal political parties with voting discipline. The basic model previously developed from pivotal politics theory for the analysis of the United States lawmaking is here modified to account for policy outcomes and institutional performances in other presidential regimes, especially in Latin America. Legislators' party indiscipline at voting and multi-partism appear as favorable conditions to reduce the size of the equilibrium set containing collectively inefficient outcomes, while a two-party system with strong party discipline is most prone to produce 'gridlock', that is, stability of socially inefficient policies. The article provides a framework for analysis which can induce significant revisions of empirical data, especially regarding the effects of situations of (newly defined) unified and divided government, different decision rules, the number of parties and their discipline. These implications should be testable and may inspire future analytical and empirical work.
Resumo:
This article presents a formal model of policy decision-making in an institutional framework of separation of powers in which the main actors are pivotal political parties with voting discipline. The basic model previously developed from pivotal politics theory for the analysis of the United States lawmaking is here modified to account for policy outcomes and institutional performances in other presidential regimes, especially in Latin America. Legislators' party indiscipline at voting and multi-partism appear as favorable conditions to reduce the size of the equilibrium set containing collectively inefficient outcomes, while a two-party system with strong party discipline is most prone to produce 'gridlock', that is, stability of socially inefficient policies. The article provides a framework for analysis which can induce significant revisions of empirical data, especially regarding the effects of situations of (newly defined) unified and divided government, different decision rules, the number of parties and their discipline. These implications should be testable and may inspire future analytical and empirical work.
Resumo:
Este estudio analiza los mecanismos desarrollados en el siglo XVI por el grupo Pipil de la región de los Izalcos que les permitieron mantener, aunque no en su totalidad, los aspectos esenciales de su organización socio-política prehispánica. Las autoridades tradicionales (caciques y principales) desempeñaron un papel fundamental en la adecuación de dicho sistema al modelo castellano impuesto, el cabildo indígena. También se demuestra cómo dicha institución, a pesar de ser totalmente ajena al orden prehispánico, constituyó una pieza clave para la supervivencia de su organización socio-política tradicional.
Resumo:
We study the contribution to vacuum decay in field theory due to the interaction between the long- and short-wavelength modes of the field. The field model considered consists of a scalar field of mass M with a cubic term in the potential. The dynamics of the long-wavelength modes becomes diffusive in this interaction. The diffusive behavior is described by the reduced Wigner function that characterizes the state of the long-wavelength modes. This function is obtained from the whole Wigner function by integration of the degrees of freedom of the short-wavelength modes. The dynamical equation for the reduced Wigner function becomes a kind of Fokker-Planck equation which is solved with suitable boundary conditions enforcing an initial metastable vacuum state trapped in the potential well. As a result a finite activation rate is found, even at zero temperature, for the formation of true vacuum bubbles of size M-1. This effect makes a substantial contribution to the total decay rate.
Resumo:
Both the intermolecular interaction energies and the geometries for M ̄ thiophene, M ̄ pyrrole, M n+ ̄ thiophene, and M n+ ̄ pyrrole ͑with M = Li, Na, K, Ca, and Mg; and M n+ = Li+ , Na+ , K+ , Ca2+, and Mg2+͒ have been estimated using four commonly used density functional theory ͑DFT͒ methods: B3LYP, B3PW91, PBE, and MPW1PW91. Results have been compared to those provided by HF, MP2, and MP4 conventional ab initio methods. The PBE and MPW1PW91 are the only DFT methods able to provide a reasonable description of the M ̄ complexes. Regarding M n+ ̄ complexes, the four DFT methods have been proven to be adequate in the prediction of these electrostatically stabilized systems, even though they tend to overestimate the interaction energies.
Resumo:
[spa] Desde principios de los noventa, nuestra sociedad está sufriendo una serie de cambios asociados al uso masivo de las nuevas tecnologías de la información y la comunicación (TIC). En este nuevo modelo social, conocido bajo el nombre de sociedad de la información, las Administraciones públicas han tenido que adaptarse, introduciendo las nuevas tecnologías en su actividad cotidiana. No obstante, la transformación de las Administraciones públicas va más allá del uso de las TIC, pues supone una auténtica transformación de una administración en papel a una verdadera administración electrónica. Todo ello conlleva modificaciones en el ordenamiento jurídico, así como en las relaciones entre la Administración con los ciudadanos. En este trabajo, analizamos el desarrollo de este proceso en las Administraciones públicas españolas.
Resumo:
This article lies within the sphere of studies initiated recently in various social sciences and which aim to introduce women's problems as an element of analysis, or in other words, the gender perspective. In the field of geography, the earliest contributions of this nature were made in English-speaking countries. It is only in the 1980s that similar contributions begin to appear in Spanish geography, albeit sporadically . In the first part of this article, an analysis is made of the presence of women geographers in Spanish universities, based on a questionnaire submitted to twenty-six departments of geography. The questionnaires provide information on the age, sex and marital status of women staff, and other relevant facts. It becomes evident that women lecturers are in the minority in Spanish university Geography Departments, especially in the top posts, although the percentage compares favourably with English-speaking countries. The second part of the article consists of a study of the written contributions of women geographers through the analysis of the various geographical magazines published by geography departments and other related bodies. The author reaches the conclusion that the percentage of articles written by women geographers is even lower than the corresponding percentage of staff members. Especially noteworthy is the very limited number of articles in the fields of physical geography and geographical theory, in contrast to a certain tendency to publish studies on, for example, population or urban topics with a highly restricted territorial scope
Resumo:
The academic debate about the secession of a territory which is part of a liberal democracy state displays an initial contrast. On the one hand, practical secessionist movements usually legitimize their position using nationalist arguments linked to the principle of national self- determination. On the other hand, we find in academia few defenders of a normative principle of national self-determination. Philosophers, political scientists and jurists usually defend the status quo. And even when they do not defend it, most of them tend to leave the question of that question and secession unresolved or confused. Regarding this issue, liberal-democratic theories show a tendency to be “conservative” in relation to the political borders, regardless the historical and empirical processes of creation of current States. Probably, this feature is not far away to the fact that, since its beginning, political liberalism has not been a theory of the nation, but a theory of the state.
Resumo:
Una eficaz acción educativa obliga necesariamente a plantearse en profundidad la autoevaluación como modelo de cambio y la participación de todos los estamentos de la comunidad educativa. Un mayor o menor grado de participación viene a ser un indicador que nos permite valorar cualquier propuesta de «calidad», «reforma» o «innovación». El modelo B.A.D.I. yen especial su instrumento modular, responde a las exigencias particulares de reflexión, análisis y toma de decisiones que se realiza en cada centro para responder adecuadamente a cualquier planteamiento innovador. Los principios fundamentales de este modelo se resumen en: A. Es un modelo de concepción organicista, estamental, con definición ideológica. B. Responde a un enfoque fundamentalmente rogeriano. C. Participa de los enfoques social, abierto, dinámico, cultural y positivo. Comparte la teoría moderna de la organización y sus indicadores se agrupan en cuatro fases: Criterial, presupuestaria, metodológica e informativa. D. Se identifica con los modelos centrados en la evaluación de cambio, de forma especial con la autoevaluación. La flexibilidad que caracteriza al modelo viene dado por el instrumento modular de área o de criterio, como resultado de la participación y el consenso de todos los estamentos de la institución educativa.
Resumo:
A select-divide-and-conquer variational method to approximate configuration interaction (CI) is presented. Given an orthonormal set made up of occupied orbitals (Hartree-Fock or similar) and suitable correlation orbitals (natural or localized orbitals), a large N-electron target space S is split into subspaces S0,S1,S2,...,SR. S0, of dimension d0, contains all configurations K with attributes (energy contributions, etc.) above thresholds T0={T0egy, T0etc.}; the CI coefficients in S0 remain always free to vary. S1 accommodates KS with attributes above T1≤T0. An eigenproblem of dimension d0+d1 for S0+S 1 is solved first, after which the last d1 rows and columns are contracted into a single row and column, thus freezing the last d1 CI coefficients hereinafter. The process is repeated with successive Sj(j≥2) chosen so that corresponding CI matrices fit random access memory (RAM). Davidson's eigensolver is used R times. The final energy eigenvalue (lowest or excited one) is always above the corresponding exact eigenvalue in S. Threshold values {Tj;j=0, 1, 2,...,R} regulate accuracy; for large-dimensional S, high accuracy requires S 0+S1 to be solved outside RAM. From there on, however, usually a few Davidson iterations in RAM are needed for each step, so that Hamiltonian matrix-element evaluation becomes rate determining. One μhartree accuracy is achieved for an eigenproblem of order 24 × 106, involving 1.2 × 1012 nonzero matrix elements, and 8.4×109 Slater determinants
Resumo:
The article outlines free online legal resources to conduct research on Catalan and Spanish legislation and case-law. Most of these resources are primary sources made public by government bodies. The list shows how the Spanish and Catalan governments, in their attempt to promote equal access to legislation and case-law, cover the different jurisdictions. The text also mentions some resources to conduct historical legal research about legislation and case law, and some free legal private websites.
Resumo:
I model the link between political regime and level of diversification following a windfall of natural resource revenues. The explanatory variables I make use of are the political support functions embedded within each type of regime and the disparate levels of discretion, openness, transparency, and accountability of government. I show that a democratic government seeks to maximize the long-term consumption path of the representative consumer, in order to maximize its chances of re-election, while an authoritarian government, in the absence of any electoral mechanism of accountability, seeks to buy off and entrench a group of special interests loyal to the government and potent enough to ensure its short-term survival. Essentially the contrast in the approaches towards resource rent distribution comes down to a variation in political weights on aggregate welfare and rentierist special interests endogenized by distinct political support functions.
Resumo:
This research primarily analyses relevant climate bargaining dynamics that have been informed by a North-South impasse. This working paper argues that the first stage of negotiations for a climate convention indeed witnessed a North-South divide which became institutionalized in the Framework Convention on Climate Change. However, in subsequent negotiation rounds the key loci of bargaining struggles was centered between developed countries, in which relevant North-South cooperation dynamics were also present. Finally, this paper assesses the unfinished post-Kyoto bargaining process in which two trends are already being observed: both the emergence of a new geopolitics between the United States and major developing countries, and a fragmentation process within the South, in which the Copenhagen Accord itself has begun to institutionalize such fragmentation.
Resumo:
In this paper, I provide a formal justi cation for a well-established coattail effect, when a popular candidate at one branch of government attracts votes to candidates from the same political party for other branches of government. A political agency frame- work with moral hazard is applied to analyze coattails in simultaneous presidential and congressional elections. I show that coattail voting is a natural outcome of the optimal reelection scheme adopted by a representative voter to motivate politicians' efforts in a retrospective voting environment. I assume that an office-motivated politician (executive or congressman) prefers her counterpart to be affiliated with the same political party. This correlation of incentives leads the voter to adopt a joint performance evaluation rule, which is conditioned on the politicians belonging to the same party or different parties. The two-sided coattail effects then arise. On the one hand, the executive's suc- cess/failure props up/drags down her partisan ally in congressional election, which implies presidential coattails. On the other hand, the executive's reelection itself is affected by the congressman's performance, which results in reverse coattails. JEL classi fication: D72, D86. Keywords: Coattail voting; Presidential coattails; Reverse coattails; Simultaneous elections; Political Agency; Retrospective voting.