15 resultados para Social identity theory

em Consorci de Serveis Universitaris de Catalunya (CSUC), Spain


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This article studies alterations in the values, attitudes, and behaviors that emerged among U.S. citizens as a consequence of, and as a response to, the attacks of September 11, 2001. The study briefly examines the immediate reaction to the attack, before focusing on the collective reactions that characterized the behavior of the majority of the population between the events of 9/11 and the response to it in the form of intervention in Afghanistan. In studying this period an eight-phase sequential model (Botcharova, 2001) is used, where the initial phases center on the nation as the ingroup and the latter focus on the enemy who carried out the attack as the outgroup. The study is conducted from a psychosocial perspective and uses "social identity theory" (Tajfel & Turner, 1979, 1986) as the basic framework for interpreting and accounting for the collective reactions recorded. The main purpose of this paper is to show that the interpretation of these collective reactions is consistent with the postulates of social identity theory. The application of this theory provides a different and specific analysis of events. The study is based on data obtained from a variety of rigorous academic studies and opinion polls conducted in relation to the events of 9/11. In line with social identity theory, 9/11 had a marked impact on the importance attached by the majority of U.S. citizens to their identity as members of a nation. This in turn accentuated group differentiation and activated ingroup favoritism and outgroup discrimination (Tajfel & Turner, 1979, 1986). Ingroup favoritism strengthened group cohesion, feelings of solidarity, and identification with the most emblematic values of the U.S. nation, while outgroup discrimination induced U.S. citizens to conceive the enemy (al-Qaeda and its protectors) as the incarnation of evil, depersonalizing the group and venting their anger on it, and to give their backing to a military response, the eventual intervention in Afghanistan. Finally, and also in line with the postulates of social identity theory, as an alternative to the virtual bipolarization of the conflict (U.S. vs al-Qaeda), the activation of a higher level of identity in the ingroup is proposed, a group that includes the United States and the largest possible number of countries¿ including Islamic states¿in the search for a common, more legitimate and effective solution.

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This article studies alterations in the values, attitudes, and behaviors that emerged among U.S. citizens as a consequence of, and as a response to, the attacks of September 11, 2001. The study briefly examines the immediate reaction to the attack, before focusing on the collective reactions that characterized the behavior of the majority of the population between the events of 9/11 and the response to it in the form of intervention in Afghanistan. In studying this period an eight-phase sequential model (Botcharova, 2001) is used, where the initial phases center on the nation as the ingroup and the latter focus on the enemy who carried out the attack as the outgroup. The study is conducted from a psychosocial perspective and uses "social identity theory" (Tajfel & Turner, 1979, 1986) as the basic framework for interpreting and accounting for the collective reactions recorded. The main purpose of this paper is to show that the interpretation of these collective reactions is consistent with the postulates of social identity theory. The application of this theory provides a different and specific analysis of events. The study is based on data obtained from a variety of rigorous academic studies and opinion polls conducted in relation to the events of 9/11. In line with social identity theory, 9/11 had a marked impact on the importance attached by the majority of U.S. citizens to their identity as members of a nation. This in turn accentuated group differentiation and activated ingroup favoritism and outgroup discrimination (Tajfel & Turner, 1979, 1986). Ingroup favoritism strengthened group cohesion, feelings of solidarity, and identification with the most emblematic values of the U.S. nation, while outgroup discrimination induced U.S. citizens to conceive the enemy (al-Qaeda and its protectors) as the incarnation of evil, depersonalizing the group and venting their anger on it, and to give their backing to a military response, the eventual intervention in Afghanistan. Finally, and also in line with the postulates of social identity theory, as an alternative to the virtual bipolarization of the conflict (U.S. vs al-Qaeda), the activation of a higher level of identity in the ingroup is proposed, a group that includes the United States and the largest possible number of countries¿ including Islamic states¿in the search for a common, more legitimate and effective solution.

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The purpose of this article is to introduce a Cartesian product structure into the social choice theoretical framework and to examine if new possibility results to Gibbard's and Sen's paradoxes can be developed thanks to it. We believe that a Cartesian product structure is a pertinent way to describe individual rights in the social choice theory since it discriminates the personal features comprised in each social state. First we define some conceptual and formal tools related to the Cartesian product structure. We then apply these notions to Gibbard's paradox and to Sen's impossibility of a Paretian liberal. Finally we compare the advantages of our approach to other solutions proposed in the literature for both impossibility theorems.

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El proyecto, desarrollado bajo los auspicios del grupo Cos i Textualitat, aborda las relaciones entre las categorías de sujeto poético y sujeto epistolar, en la literatura romántica escrita por mujeres, que abarca corpus textuales del siglo XIX y principios del siglo XX. Haciendo uso de las herramientas del comparatismo, de la teoría de la literatura y de los estudios de género y sexualidad, el proyecto en una primera instancia se detuvo a estudiar la obra de aquellas escritoras (en el ámbito de la literatura norteamericana, española e hispanomericana) que desarrollaron e impulsaron el subgénero de la cartapoema, y cómo dicho subgénero les permitía velar su espacio íntimo, enmascarar su identidad literaria y social, al tiempo que obtenían legitimación social en esta estrategia de escritura. De este modo, el proyecto insiste en las estrategias de lectura de este tipo de textos, marginados por la crítica literaria, y de un tratamiento clasificatorio ciertamente ambiguo, y al mismo tiempo contaminado por la lectura autobiográfica de los textos. Cabe destacar que el punto de partida de este proceso de investigación fue la obra de la escritora norteamericana Emily Dickinson (1830-1886), pero se extendió con posterioridad desde autoras del romanticismo hispanoamericano, incluso hasta llegar a autoras españolas que escapan al movimiento romántico, bien entrado ya el siglo XX.

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From an interdisciplinary perspective, the present investigation undertaken by the GREILI-UPF research group has expanded a previous study aiming at explaining how young secondary school students of Latin American and Chinese origin in Catalonia construct their linguistic and cultural identity. Here we analyze the relationship between these youngsters and their social environment in order to determine how these relationships and the socialization process that derives from them influence language attitudes and practices. We focus on two spaces of socialization: (1) the school, where youngsters from diverse cultural and linguistic backgrounds coexist and interact, and (2) the neighborhood, a geographic and symbolic space where social identity is constructed and, consequently, where young newcomers construct their perceptions regarding the host society, including its linguistic reality. We have collected several sets of data in three public secondary schools and three neighborhoods from Barcelona’s metropolitan area with a high index of immigrant population: (1) interviews with secondary school students, (2) interviews with teachers, (3) social discourses in newspapers that consolidate the social image of the neighborhood, (4) narratives from immigrant families in relation to their neighborhood, (5) participant observation in schools, and (5) observation in the neighborhood. The results of the thematic and, when appropriate, discursive analysis of the data allow us to reach conclusions regarding: (a) the social image of the neighborhoods, (b) the socialization of young newcomers in the schools and the neighborhoods, (c) the identity games, and (d) the language and cultural practices and attitudes of young people, in relation to their countries and languages of origin as well as the school and the neighborhood investigated.

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Under what conditions will a bystander intervene to try to stop a violent attack by one person on another? It is generally believed that the greater the size of the crowd of bystanders, the less the chance that any of them will intervene. A complementary model is that social identity is critical as an explanatory variable. For example, when the bystander shares common social identity with the victim the probability of intervention is enhanced, other things being equal. However, it is generally not possible to study such hypotheses experimentally for practical and ethical reasons. Here we show that an experiment that depicts a violent incident at life-size in immersive virtual reality lends support to the social identity explanation. 40 male supporters of Arsenal Football Club in England were recruited for a two-factor between-groups experiment: the victim was either an Arsenal supporter or not (in-group/out-group), and looked towards the participant for help or not during the confrontation. The response variables were the numbers of verbal and physical interventions by the participant during the violent argument. The number of physical interventions had a significantly greater mean in the ingroup condition compared to the out-group. The more that participants perceived that the Victim was looking to them for help the greater the number of interventions in the in-group but not in the out-group. These results are supported by standard statistical analysis of variance, with more detailed findings obtained by a symbolic regression procedure based on genetic programming. Verbal interventions made during their experience, and analysis of post-experiment interview data suggest that in-group members were more prone to confrontational intervention compared to the out-group who were more prone to make statements to try to diffuse the situation.

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A theory of network-entrepreneurs or "spin-off system" is presented in this paper for the creation of firms based on the community’s social governance. It is argued that firm’s capacity for accumulation depends on the presence of employees belonging to the same social/ethnic group with expectations of "inheriting" the firm and becoming entrepreneurs once they have been selected for their merits and loyalty towards their patrons. Such accumulation is possible because of the credibility of the patrons’ promises of supporting newcomers due to high social cohesion and specific social norms prevailing in the community. This theory is exemplified through the case of the Barcelonnettes, a group of immigrants from the Alps in the South of France (Provence) who came to Mexico in the XIX Century.

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HEMOLIA (a project under European community’s 7th framework programme) is a new generation Anti-Money Laundering (AML) intelligent multi-agent alert and investigation system which in addition to the traditional financial data makes extensive use of modern society’s huge telecom data source, thereby opening up a new dimension of capabilities to all Money Laundering fighters (FIUs, LEAs) and Financial Institutes (Banks, Insurance Companies, etc.). This Master-Thesis project is done at AIA, one of the partners for the HEMOLIA project in Barcelona. The objective of this thesis is to find the clusters in a network drawn by using the financial data. An extensive literature survey has been carried out and several standard algorithms related to networks have been studied and implemented. The clustering problem is a NP-hard problem and several algorithms like K-Means and Hierarchical clustering are being implemented for studying several problems relating to sociology, evolution, anthropology etc. However, these algorithms have certain drawbacks which make them very difficult to implement. The thesis suggests (a) a possible improvement to the K-Means algorithm, (b) a novel approach to the clustering problem using the Genetic Algorithms and (c) a new algorithm for finding the cluster of a node using the Genetic Algorithm.

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L’estudi examina les relacions entre (1) les xarxes socials personals de la població immigrant resident a Barcelona i (2) les seves identitats culturals múltiples. L’objectiu principal de l’estudi és entendre com el contingut i l’estructura de les relacions socials dels immigrants facilita o dificulta (1) tenir un sentiment de pertinença a les noves cultures d’acollida, la catalana i la espanyola, i (2) la integració d’aquestes noves identitats socioculturals amb la seva identitat d’origen en una nova identitat bicultural cohesiva. El nostre plantejament inicial era que els immigrants amb xarxes socials més diverses des del punt de vista de la seva composició cultural tindrien més recursos socials i experiències cognitives més diverses , factors que afavoreixen les identificacions múltiples i la participació cívica. Els resultats de l’estudi mostren que el grau d’identificació dels participants amb la seva cultura ètnica o d’origen és força alt i, en certa mesura, més alt en comparació amb les cultures d’acollida ( catalana, cívica i espanyola). Tanmateix, el vincle dels participants amb les cultures d’acollida (p. ex., la cultura catalana) és prou rellevant per a indicar una orientació bicultural (catalana i ètnica). Les anàlisis de correlacions revelen que sentir-se català no impedeix sentir-se part de la comunitat etnocultural d’origen. A més, existeix una interrelació entre l'orientació cultural catalana i la identificació amb les comunitats cíviques locals. De la mateixa manera, tenir competències en llengua catalana no va en detriment de les competències en llengua castellana. Les anàlisis també mostren que factors com l’orientació cultural catalana, l’ús del català i la identificació amb la cultura catalana tenen una correlació positiva amb el grau de chohesio de la indentitat bicultural, afavoreixen el benestar psicològic i disminueixen l’estrès aculturatiu. L’anàlisi de les xarxes socials mostra que la identificació amb la cultura catalana, l’orientació cultural catalana i la integració de la identitat són factors clau per tenir xarxes socials més diverses des del punt de vista ètnic i lingüístic, amb menys membres del col•lectiu d’origen, i amb subgrups o “cliques” culturalment més heterogenis. La identificació espanyola també prediu, en mesura més reduïda, la diversitat de les xarxes. Els nostres resultats contribueixen a la recerca actual i les teories sobre interculturalitat i identitat cultural.

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This paper lays down some theoretical framework for further research to be made on the subject of how identity of young Slovenian and Catalan users is forming within the social networking website Facebook. The author pursues his interest based on observation of how communicationand thus interaction between users is changing and how this is reflected in everyday practices. In so doing he tries to identify the connections between the individual, society and technology, asthese are more and more interwoven, and we cannot think one without the other in thecontemporary globalised world.

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166 countries have some kind of public old age pension. What economic forces create and sustain old age Social Security as a public program? Mulligan and Sala-i-Martin (1999b) document several of the internationally and historically common features of social security programs, and explore "political" theories of Social Security. This paper discusses the "efficiency theories", which view creation of the SS program as a full of partial solution to some market failure. Efficiency explanations of social security include the "SS as welfare for the elderly" the "retirement increases productivity to optimally manage human capital externalities", "optimal retirement insurance", the "prodigal father problem", the "misguided Keynesian", the "optimal longevity insurance", the "government economizing transaction costs", and the "return on human capital investment". We also analyze four "narrative" theories of social security: the "chain letter theory", the "lump of labor theory", the "monopoly capitalism theory", and the "Sub-but-Nearly-Optimal policy response to private pensions theory". The political and efficiency explanations are compared with the international and historical facts and used to derive implications for replacing the typical pay-as-you-go system with a forced savings plan. Most of the explanations suggest that forced savings does not increase welfare, and may decrease it.

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166 countries have some kind of public old age pension. What economic forcescreate and sustain old age Social Security as a public program? Mulligan and Sala-i-Martin (1999b) document several of the internationally and historically common features of social security programs, and explore "political" theories of Social Security. This paper discusses the "efficiency theories", which view creation of the SS program as a full of partial solution to some market failure. Efficiency explanations of social security include the "SS as welfare for the elderly" the "retirement increases productivity to optimally manage human capital externalities", "optimal retirement insurance", the "prodigal father problem", the "misguided Keynesian", the "optimal longevity insurance", the "governmenteconomizing transaction costs", and the "return on human capital investment". We also analyze four "narrative" theories of social security: the "chain letter theory", the "lump of labor theory", the "monopoly capitalism theory", and the "Sub-but-Nearly-Optimal policy response to private pensions theory".The political and efficiency explanations are compared with the international and historical facts and used to derive implications for replacing the typical pay-as-you-go system with a forced savings plan. Most of the explanations suggest that forced savings does not increase welfare, and may decrease it.

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166 countries have some kind of public old age pension. What economic forcescreate and sustain old age Social Security as a public program? We document some of the internationally and historically common features of Social Security programs including explicit and implicit taxes on labor supply, pay-as-you-go features, intergenerational redistribution, benefits which areincreasing functions of lifetime earnings and not means-tested. We partition theories of Social Security into three groups: "political", "efficiency" and "narrative" theories. We explore three political theories in this paper: the majority rational voting model (with its two versions: "the elderly as the leaders of a winning coalition with the poor" and the "once and for all election" model), the "time-intensive model of political competition" and the "taxpayer protection model". Each of the explanations is compared with the international and historical facts. A companion paper explores the "efficiency" and "narrative" theories, and derives implicationsof all the theories for replacing the typical pay-as-you-go system with a forced savings plan.

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This paper presents a tractable dynamic general equilibrium model thatcan explain cross-country empirical regularities in geographical mobility,unemployment and labor market institutions. Rational agents vote overunemployment insurance (UI), taking the dynamic distortionary effects ofinsurance on the performance of the labor market into consideration.Agents with higher cost of moving, i.e., more attached to their currentlocation, prefer more generous UI. The key assumption is that an agent'sattachment to a location increases the longer she has resided there. UIreduces the incentive for labor mobility and increases, therefore, thefraction of attached agents and the political support for UI. The mainresult is that this self-reinforcing mechanism can give rise to multiplesteady-states-one 'European' steady-state featuring high unemployment,low geographical mobility and high unemployment insurance, and one'American' steady-state featuring low unemployment, high mobility andlow unemployment insurance.